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Several new social movements are described that offer some hope of progress toward democracy in authoritarian nations of Latin America. These include ecclesiastical base communities, neighborhood associations, & the feminist movement in Brazil; human rights groups in Argentina; & ecological associations in both nations. Both countries have been typified by semidemocratic political cultures. The new movements -- which have emerged since 1964 in Brazil, & since 1976 in Argentina, in response to the failure of Left authoritarianism, Right authoritarianism, & populism -- share important values, especially in their shared emphasis on participatory democratic relations. Their possible future roles in democratization are four: they could be suppressed by authoritarian governments, marginalized within restricted democracies, coopted, or form alliances with liberals while also maintaining a separate identity that permits them significant political influence. W. H. Stoddard.

If the superpowers are, as is commonly suggested, passing through a time of crisis, so inevitably are the "middle powers," for the states that for twenty-five years have been collectively but erratically referred to as middle powers are groping for their place in a system determined by the giants. At San Francisco in 1945 the middle powers seemed to have found a mission in frustrating the great power determination to brook as little interference as possible in their ordering of world politics. When the great powers fell apart, the middle-power front was also broken. Its members found their niches in alliance with the great powers or in a status they called nonalignment. Alignment and nonalignment make sense, however, only in relation to the great powers' division.

In antiquity and in the Middle Ages slavery played a significant role in the military, economic, political and social life of the Near East. Many studies have been made of these aspects of life, but little has been said in the context of Islam about the psychological bonds which, at least to some extent, characterize the relationship between slave or freedman and master. The institution of 'mutual alliance' also played an important part in Islamic history, and there were certain similarities between the relation of the 'ally' to the patron on the one hand, and of the freedman to the former master on the other. But it is the purpose of this discussion, in part, to point out some basic differences between the two relationships.

Book reviewed in this article.Cities in Flood: The Problemsof Urban Growth. ByPeter Self.The Chinese Economy. BySolomon Adler.Far Eastern Affairs. No.I.EditedbyG.F.Hudson. St.Antony'sPapers,No.II.The Crisisofthe Old Order,1919–1933.ByArthur M.Schlesinger, Jr.The New Cambridge Modern History. Vol.I.TheRenaissance1493–1520.Vol.VII.TheOldRégime1713–1763.Europe Since Napoleon. ByDavid Thomson.Wives Who Wentto College. ByJudith Hubback.Unholy Alliance. ByGerald Freund.German Rulein Russia1941–1945.ByAlexander Dallin.The Lifeand Timesof Baron Haussmann. ByJ.M.andBrian Chapman.The Social Aspectsof Prescribing. ByJ.P.Martin, withaForewordbyProfessor R.M.Titmuss.An African Survey. Revised1956.ByLord Hailey.The United Statesin World Affairs,1956.ByRichard P.Stebbins.Documentson American Foreign Relations,1956.EditedbyPaul E.Zinner.The Structureof Politicsatthe Accessionof George III.BySir Lewis Namier. Secondedition.The Year Bookof World Affairs,1957.EditedbyGeorge W.Keeton andGeorg Schwarzenberger.Machiavellism; The Doctrineof Raisond'Étatandits Placein Modern History. ByFriedrich Meinecke. TranslatedfromtheGermanbyDouglas Scott.Current Legal Problems1957.EditedbyG.W.Keeton andG.Schwarzenberger.The Statesman. By Henry Taylor.

The history of international relations has lent itself to many uses. Its narrators have employed the tangled web of intention, maneuver, alliance, and war to vindicate or besmirch men's reputations, prove the guilt or innocence of nations in conflict, enrich traditions, furnish precepts for the present, and provide guides to the future. Their activity has gone on for a very long time and the product of their research has grown enormous. Presumably such a vast and varied output reflects a number of needs and interests. But is its perusal a useful way of gaining insight into the varied problems of international politics? More, as diplomatic history customarily is written, does it constitute an effective training ground for statesmen?

International organization is generally regarded as an aggregate of machinery and processes whereby states cooperate with each other for the attainment of common objectives. Granting the validity of this conception, it may be shown that the fields in which states coöperate are of vital importance to individual persons. The international treatment of economic questions looks toward the improvement of the economic status of the individual. The cooperative efforts of states in regard to so-called political questions, such as disarmament, arbitration, and alliances, either promote amicable relations conducive to profitable transactions between the nationals of different countries or lead to hostile activities that injure economic activity and place the individual under the necessity of bearing arms.

This article analyses programs of Poland Parliamentary political parties, which exclude vectors of foreign politics in the context of regional collaboration. The most important concept in this article is analysis of political parties and their ideologies, which show their importance in forming foreign politics in Poland. Priority areas of foreign politics in Poland are presented in the text.Analysis was conducted using analysing programs (2011) of Parliamentary parties such as Civic Platform, Law and Justice, Democratic Left Alliance and Polish People Party. The case of Palikot's movement is absent in the article due to the fact that the vector of foreign politics is not excluded in its program. The main priorities of Poland's foreign politics, its position in forming and performing the politics are analysed in the text. The focus of it is on how these priorities are presented in the programs of Parliamentary parties.There are two types of vectors which are useful in forming foreign politics: inner (e.g., features of party system or influence of other political subjects) and outer (relations between foreign politics in Poland and other countries, power of negotiation, ability to arrange coalitions). The role of Poland's political parties in foreign politics is not clearly marked: it depends on various circumstances, most often on the composition of government. Identity, value system, election strategies: these are the basic concepts which influence the role of ideology in forming foreign politics. The main aim of ideology, however, is to adapt to new conditions of political arena. Ideology is not a dominant factor in forming the identity of political parties in Poland. Partial system in Poland is characterised as having weak base of experience and having a tendency to strengthen the role of the leader despite the fact that this role is restricted by political parties and ideology. On the other hand, despite the fact that ideology is becoming less dominant in forming political decisions, it is still important in political discourse. An assumption can be made that political system in Poland is marked by the weakness of partial ideology.Priorities of foreign politics in programs of various political parties in Poland are similar. Pro-European tendencies are reflected in the rhetorics of Civic Platform and Democratical Left Alliance. Economical factor is the most important in Law and Justice and Polish People Party programs. Transatlantic relations between Poland and NATO are important in programs of Civic Platform and Law and Justice. Agriculture in Poland and its problems are important factor mentioned in the programs of all analysed parties. Good relations with neighbour states are the priority factor in programs of all analysed parties, but Civic Platform and Democratic Left Alliance prefer it the most. Relations of Poland and developing countries as well as separate regions is also an important concept in programs of political parties. Ethnic minority of Poland and its problems in foreign countries is the core concept in the programs of Law and Justice and Polish People Party.Priority concepts of foreign politics in the programs (2011) of political parties in Poland are presented in the article. Position of these programs correlates with the official strategy of foreign politics in Poland. Poland wants to strengthen its position in political unions in order to create common perspective of European integration. What is more, Poland seeks to have good relations with NATO and to present itself as a reliable ally in transatlantic context. Moreover, Poland emphasizes the importance of collaboration with Ukraine and other Eastern European countries as well as collaboration with Southern Caucasus countries. In order to strengthen its position in foreign politics, Poland collaborates with Western countries, countries of Vysegrad group and it also encourages partnership with Eastern countries. Economical collaboration is one of the priority concepts; economical collaboration with Germany is the most successful one so far. Relations with diaspora and those citizens of Poland origin, who live in foreign countries, encourage closer relations with neighbour states, which have the highest concentration of Poles.

The main purpose of this paper is to find out what is the impact of geoenergetic processes in Central and Eastern European countries on Lithuanian geoenergetics. In order to do this, several tasks were accomplished. First, theoretical model of geoenergetic interaction between states was constructed. This model is grounded on the causal relations between states-consumers of energy resources, transit states and states-producers in ceteris paribus conditions. The main outcome of this model is the conclusion that the comparative geoenergetic power of states depends on the quantity of actors in each part of geoenergetic chain of states-producers, states-consumers and transit states. The more actors exercise the same geoenergetic role, the less comparative power each of them has in relations with other actors, which perform different geoenergetic role. Second, the geoenergetic position of Central and Eastern European countries was identified. These countries are important actors in transporting energy resources from the East to the West, therefore, in geoenergetic relations with other countries they perform the role of transit states. However, despite being important transit states, they are dependent on one main energy supplier – Russia. Therefore, their comparative geoenergetic power is limited because of the lack of geoenergetic actors in the suppliers' part of geoenergetic chain. Third, Russian energy policy in Central and Eastern European countries was analyzed. There are tendencies, which indicate, that Russia applies different strategies of its energy policy in different Central and Eastern European countries. The strategy of geostrategic isolation is applied in Baltic states and Poland. Russia's strategy in Belarus and Ukraine is based on the aim to take over the transit infrastructure of these countries. Also, Russia is trying to keep its geoenergetic influence in Moldova. Finally, the strategy of geoenergetic involvement is applied in Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia. Fourth, the tendencies of geoenergetic competition and cooperation in Central and Eastern European countries are analyzed. The conclusion that currently geostrategic competition is more typical for these countries than cooperation was made. The analysis of this paper showed that the main strategic role of Central and Eastern European countries is of potential geostrategic partners for diversifying their energy resources and looking for alternative routes for their energy imports. Also, Central and Eastern European countries could potentially be reliable strategic partners in pressing the European Union to create common and firm policy of energy security. The assumption that currently the most advantageous strategy for Lithuania is an initiation of creating strong geoenergetic alliance of transit strates in Central and Eastern Europe, according to this paper, is wrong. First, this alliance is hardly possible because of the tendencies of competition between Central and Eastern European countries. Second, among the opposing actors would be not only Russia, but also Western European countries, which would seek alternative routes for their energy imports from Russia avoiding this geoenergetic alliance. Third, the perspectives for Lithuania to become strong transit state in this alliance are low, because of the Russian strategy to isolate Lithuania as a transit country by cutting the flow of energy resources through this country and creating projects of alternative transit routes. Fourth, the geoenergetic influence of Russia in the region of Central and Eastern European countries is strong enough to persuade some countries in this region into becoming its geoenergetic allies. Currently, the best strategy for Lithuania would be the transformation from the state transporting energy resources from Russia to Western Europe to importing state in cooperation with other states-importers in Western Europe, along with the diversification of energy suppliers.

The main purpose of this paper is to find out what is the impact of geoenergetic processes in Central and Eastern European countries on Lithuanian geoenergetics. In order to do this, several tasks were accomplished. First, theoretical model of geoenergetic interaction between states was constructed. This model is grounded on the causal relations between states-consumers of energy resources, transit states and states-producers in ceteris paribus conditions. The main outcome of this model is the conclusion that the comparative geoenergetic power of states depends on the quantity of actors in each part of geoenergetic chain of states-producers, states-consumers and transit states. The more actors exercise the same geoenergetic role, the less comparative power each of them has in relations with other actors, which perform different geoenergetic role. Second, the geoenergetic position of Central and Eastern European countries was identified. These countries are important actors in transporting energy resources from the East to the West, therefore, in geoenergetic relations with other countries they perform the role of transit states. However, despite being important transit states, they are dependent on one main energy supplier – Russia. Therefore, their comparative geoenergetic power is limited because of the lack of geoenergetic actors in the suppliers' part of geoenergetic chain. Third, Russian energy policy in Central and Eastern European countries was analyzed. There are tendencies, which indicate, that Russia applies different strategies of its energy policy in different Central and Eastern European countries. The strategy of geostrategic isolation is applied in Baltic states and Poland. Russia's strategy in Belarus and Ukraine is based on the aim to take over the transit infrastructure of these countries. Also, Russia is trying to keep its geoenergetic influence in Moldova. Finally, the strategy of geoenergetic involvement is applied in Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia. Fourth, the tendencies of geoenergetic competition and cooperation in Central and Eastern European countries are analyzed. The conclusion that currently geostrategic competition is more typical for these countries than cooperation was made. The analysis of this paper showed that the main strategic role of Central and Eastern European countries is of potential geostrategic partners for diversifying their energy resources and looking for alternative routes for their energy imports. Also, Central and Eastern European countries could potentially be reliable strategic partners in pressing the European Union to create common and firm policy of energy security. The assumption that currently the most advantageous strategy for Lithuania is an initiation of creating strong geoenergetic alliance of transit strates in Central and Eastern Europe, according to this paper, is wrong. First, this alliance is hardly possible because of the tendencies of competition between Central and Eastern European countries. Second, among the opposing actors would be not only Russia, but also Western European countries, which would seek alternative routes for their energy imports from Russia avoiding this geoenergetic alliance. Third, the perspectives for Lithuania to become strong transit state in this alliance are low, because of the Russian strategy to isolate Lithuania as a transit country by cutting the flow of energy resources through this country and creating projects of alternative transit routes. Fourth, the geoenergetic influence of Russia in the region of Central and Eastern European countries is strong enough to persuade some countries in this region into becoming its geoenergetic allies. Currently, the best strategy for Lithuania would be the transformation from the state transporting energy resources from Russia to Western Europe to importing state in cooperation with other states-importers in Western Europe, along with the diversification of energy suppliers.

How did the Second World War come about? Nazi Foreign Policy, 1933-1941 provides lucid answers to this complex question. Focusing on the different regions of Nazi policy such as Italy, France and Britain, Christian Leitz explores the diplomatic and political developments that led to the outbreak of war in 1939 and its transformation into a global conflict in 1941.Nazi Foreign Policy, 1933-1941 details the history of Nazi Germany's foreign policy from Hitler's inauguration as Reich Chancellor to the declaration of war by America in 1941. Christian Leitz gives equal weight to the attitude and ac

This book analyses the much-needed and vastly under-studied subject of bargaining coalitions of developing countries in the GATT and WTO.