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This paper tests the popular thesis that as a result of various changes over the past decade, the subsystemliron triangle model is no longer the central dynamic in federal water policymaking. A cross section of 30 authorities were interviewed on two aspects of this key dispute: (a) the extent to which iron triangle tenets were either central (traditional viewpoint) or secondary (revisionist viewpoint) to the Carter administrationls 1977 water projects "hit list" 81 defeat, 11 and (b) perceptions of the viability of the leading water alliances in the years since the hit list events. Major findings: (1) Although the two leading water subsystems are portrayed as having been weakened by recent challenges, they are viewed by subsystem insidersll and "outsiders" alike as the most powerful of six alternative explanations for the Carter "defeat." (2) The alliances are largely pursuing a strategy aimed at adapting (Ripley and Franklinls "adapting subsystems") to the threatening political climate based on extensive funding for operations and maintenance. (3) The argument is advanced that the traditional‐revisionist dispute is bridged by cyclical policy dynamics, labeled the policy pacing dimension.

ABSTRACTThis paper examines three distinct images of the policy process. Iron triangles emphasiże stable relations among a limited number of participants in a relatively closed policy area. Issue networks are fragmented, open and extraordinarily complex and are ill-structured for resolving conflicts and reaching authoritative decisions. The neo-corporatist literature posits a mechanistic interpretation of society: hierarchy, discipline, command and stability, though organized through sectors. These three images can be contrasted with an image of cabinet government which stresses the integrative capacities of central government. The United States can be seen to have moved to some degree from a pattern more closely captured by the iron triangle image to a looser, more complex one resembling features of the issue network image. In Britain, it is possible to detect some movement towards the complexity of the issue network approach. Despite some superficial plausibility, the corporatist image does not apply to Britain, which is best described by drawing on elements of the iron triangle and cabinet government images and some of the complexity of the issue network image. Finally, limits to the fragmentation implied by the issue network image are noted.

Argues that as housing policy shifted from `distributive' to `redistributive' due to a curtailment of funding, the housing coalition came under pressure from external forces and ultimately fragmented into competing (rather than cohesive) interests. As a result, the commitment to housing provision was drastically reduced. (Original abstract-amended)

This paper analyzes the changing politics of housing policy during the Reagan administration. The analysis applies the concept of "subgovernments" to the housing coalition. The demise of the housing subgovemment is analyzed within a theoretical framework that includes "policy type" as an important explanatory variable. Specifically, this paper argues that as housing policy shifted from "distributive" to "redistributive" due to a curtailment of funding, the housing coalition came under pressure from external farces and ultimately fragmented into competing (rather than cohesive) interests. As a result, the U.S. commitment to housing provision was drastically reduced.

THE AUTHOR ANALYZES THE POLITICS OF HOUSING POLICY DURING THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION AND APPLIES THE CONCEPT OF "SUBGOVERNMENTS" TO THE HOUSING COALITION. HE ANALYZES THE DEMISE OF THE HOUSING SUBGOVERNMENT WITHIN A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK THAT INCLUDES POLICY TYPE AS AN IMPORTANT EXPLANATORY VARIABLE. SPECIFICALLY, HE ARGUES THAT AS HOUSING POLICY SHIFTED FROM DISTRIBUTIVE TO REDISTRIBUTIVE DUE TO THE CURTAILMENT OF FUNDING, THE HOUSING COALITION CAME UNDER PRESSURE FROM EXTERNAL FORCES AND ULTIMATELY FRAGMENTED INTO COMPETING (RATHER THAN COHESIVE) INTERESTS. AS A RESULT, THE U.S. COMMITMENT TO HOUSING PROVISION WAS DRASTICALLY REDUCED.

Despite a cascade of corruption scandals over the last decade, the role of political corruption has yet to be accounted for in the scholarship on Spanish urban entrepreneurialism. This is an omission that extends to the broader literature on the topic as well. This paper looks at the theoretical causes of this neglect and explores ways of integrating corruption into the study of urban entrepreneurialism. To do so, it offers a systematic analysis of the role of clientelism in the political economy of Spanish inter-urban competition. Contrary to the existing literature, which at best explains away corruption as a logical outgrowth of intensified competition for real estate capital, this paper argues that corruption is rooted in a political structure that precedes the emergence of urban entrepreneurialism. This structure is identified as an "iron triangle", a complex of colluding interests formed by the state, the real estate industry, and political parties.

First Published online: 13 October 2014. First Online in issue 21 September 2016. ; This article provides an empirical assessment of the causal structure underlying the core dependent variable of electoral research (the vote) and two of its most notable predictors (partisanship and leader evaluations). A critical review of traditional models of voting highlights the need to account for the reciprocal relationship between the main predictors as well as for the potential feedback stemming from the dependent variable. In the light of these considerations, a new 'iron triangle' of electoral research would seem to take shape, with partisanship, leader evaluations and the vote tight to each other by a strong link of reciprocal causation. Making use of pre-/post-election surveys from Britain and Italy, the empirical analysis provides evidence for a strong effect of past behavior on political attitudes. However, past behavior seems to exert its effect mainly on partisan attitudes, whereas party leader evaluations appear only slightly affected. The results point to the considerably weakened role of partisanship as attitudinal anchor of vote choice. Leader evaluations, on the contrary, emerge as a crucial component in the voting decision.