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This study discusses two faces of Islam regarding its relationship with the state, namely cultural Islam and political Islam. Cultual Islam believes that to spread Islamic values does not have to take power, but can also pay attention to the grassroots, by preaching to the community, establishing educational, health and economic institutions. Whereas cultural Islam is more power-oriented, they believe that with that power it can be easy to apply Islamic teachings, and some even want to change the shape of the country into an Islamic state. Some political Islamists participate in parties, and some are non-parties. Usually, those who are non-party are more likely to be radical. Both have advantages and disadvantages, what is clear is that cultural Islam is more humane and has an impression on society.

El análisis del islam en Sudán muestra la gran variedad de aproximaciones al objeto de estudio, la diversidad de sus lecturas y el reiterado recurso a los principios religiosos para justificar o legitimar las cuestiones políticas y de Estado. El islam sudanés, en sus diferentes manifestaciones, ha traspasado las fronteras nacionales y ha contribuido al islam africano, árabe y mundial. Eso desde el siglo XIX cuando surgió un primer proto-estado islámico de la mano de esa figura mesiánica que fue Muhammad Ahmad Ibn Abdallah, el Mahdi, hasta el pensador y hombre de Estado Hasan al-Turabi en pleno siglo XX. Analizaremos tres dimensiones: el islam reformista de Mahmud Muhammad Taha, el islamismo sudanés conducido por al-Turabi y el papel del sufismo en la religiosidad popular y en la política sudanesa, y su reciente confrontación con las tendencias salafíes activas en el país en lo que parece ser una nueva lucha por el espacio socioreligioso del siglo XXI. ; The analysis of Islam in Sudan shows the great variety of approaches to the object of study, the diversity of its readings and the repeated recourse to religious principles to justify or legitimize political and State issues. Sudanese Islam, in its different manifestations, has crossed national borders and has contributed to African, Arab and world Islam. This has been like this since the first Islamic proto-state emerged in the Nineteenth century at the hands of the messianic figure who was Muhammad Ahmad Ibn Abdallah, the Mahdi until the thinker and statesman Hasan al-Turabi in the Twentieth century. Three dimensions will be analyzed: the reformist Islam of Mahmud Muhammad Taha, the Sudanese Islamism led by al-Turabi and the role of Sufism in popular religiosity and Sudanese politics, and finally the recent confrontation with the Salafi tendencies active in the country in what seems to be a new struggle for the socio-religious space of the 21st century.

El análisis del islam en Sudán muestra la gran variedad de aproximaciones al objeto de estudio, la diversidad de sus lecturas y el reiterado recurso a los principios religiosos para justificar o legitimar las cuestiones políticas y de Estado. El islam sudanés, en sus diferentes manifestaciones, ha traspasado las fronteras nacionales y ha contribuido al islam africano, árabe y mundial. Eso desde el siglo XIX cuando surgió un primer proto-estado islámico de la mano de esa figura mesiánica que fue Muhammad Ahmad Ibn Abdallah, el Mahdi, hasta el pensador y hombre de Estado Hasan al-Turabi en pleno siglo XX. Analizaremos tres dimensiones: el islam reformista de Mahmud Muhammad Taha, el islamismo sudanés conducido por al-Turabi y el papel del sufismo en la religiosidad popular y en la política sudanesa, y su reciente confrontación con las tendencias salafíes activas en el país en lo que parece ser una nueva lucha por el espacio socioreligioso del siglo XXI. ; The analysis of Islam in Sudan shows the great variety of approaches to the object of study, the diversity of its readings and the repeated recourse to religious principles to justify or legitimize political and State issues. Sudanese Islam, in its different manifestations, has crossed national borders and has contributed to African, Arab and world Islam. This has been like this since the first Islamic proto-state emerged in the Nineteenth century at the hands of the messianic figure who was Muhammad Ahmad Ibn Abdallah, the Mahdi until the thinker and statesman Hasan al-Turabi in the Twentieth century. Three dimensions will be analyzed: the reformist Islam of Mahmud Muhammad Taha, the Sudanese Islamism led by al-Turabi and the role of Sufism in popular religiosity and Sudanese politics, and finally the recent confrontation with the Salafi tendencies active in the country in what seems to be a new struggle for the socio-religious space of the 21st century.

Maģistra darbs "Islams Anglijā" veltīts vienas no modernās Rietumeiropas aktuālām problēmām – musulmaņu imigrantu integrācijas problēmas izpētei. Darbs sastāv no trim daļām. Vēsturiskā kontekstā aprakstīti musulmaņu pirmie kontakti ar Britu salām. Uz Britu impērijas politiski-ekonomiskā fona analizēta angļu kā kolonizatoru un impērijas sastāvā ietilpstošo teritoriju iedzīvotāju savstarpējā saskarsme un mijiedarbība. Apskatot islama kopienas kā mūsdienu realitāti, analizēts to izvietojums Lielbritānijas teritorijā, pieauguma dinamika, dots kopienu sociāli-ekonomiskais raksturojums un aprakstīta musulmaņu loma valsts sabiedriski-politiskajā dzīvē. Izmantojot aptaujās iegūtos faktus, analizēta pamatetnosa attieksme pret imigrējušajiem musulmaņiem. Izmantojot iepriekšējās daļās izklāstīto faktoloģisko materiālu, apskatīts musulmaņu kopienas integrācijas angļu sabiedrībā process, to ietekmējošie objektīvie un subjektīvie faktori un dots integrācijas procesa tendenču apskats. Darbā izmantoti avoti un literatūra angļu, latviešu un krievu valodās, kā arī statistikas un aptauju dati un imigrantu dzīves pieredzes atstāsti. ; Мaster degree work "Islam in England " is devoted to studying of one of the most actual problems of the modern Western Europe – to a problem of integration of muslim immigrants. Work consists of three parts. In a historical context the first contacts of muslims to British isles are described. On politically-economic background mutual relations and interaction between english colonizers and inhabitants of the territories which are a part of British Empire are analysed. Considering a muslim community as a modern reality, its dynamics of growth and accommodation in territory of the Great Britain are analysed, social and economic characteristics are given and as the role of muslims in a political life of the country is described. Using the facts received during interrogations, the attitude of indigenous population to muslim immigrants is analysed.

Tulisan ini mendiskusikan akan pentingnya upaya mereformasi pendidikan Islam dengan menampilkan wajah Islam toleran dapat dijelaskan dari sudut pandang filsafat perenialisme, esensialisme dan progresifisme. Dalam pandangan perenialisme kurikulum adalah "construct" yang dibangun untuk mentransfer apa yang sudah terjadi di masa lalu kepada generasi berikutnya untuk dilestarikan, diteruskan atau dikembangkan. Sementara dalam prespektif filsafat progresivisme, posisi kurikulum adalah untuk membangun kehidupan masa depan dimana kehidupan masa lalu, masa sekarang, dan berbagai rencana pengembangan dan pembangunan bangsa dijadikan dasar untuk mengembangkan kehidupan masa depan. Dari sinilah sangat memungkinkan untuk mengajarkan prinsip –prinsip ajaran Islam yang humanis, demokratis dan berkeadilan kepada peserta didik. Sebuah prinsip-prinsip ajaran Islam yang sangat relevan untuk memasuki masa depan dunia yang ditandai dengan adanya keanekaragaman budaya dan agama

Politic has been defined simply by Harold Laswell as who gets what, when, how?Many people say that politic is synonymous with power. The "power" is the ability of agroup to influence other groups according to the subject wishes. Furthermore, thepolitical experts see the power as a political core and also assume that politic is all amatter of fight and maintain activities power. It has a purpose related to the interests of the entire community. On the other hand mentioned that politic is the process offormation and distribution of a power in society such as decision-making process,particularly in countries. This understanding is the incorporation effort between manydifferent definitions of the political nature which is known in political science. Politic is the art and science to gain power constitutionally and unconstitutionally. Principally political Islam is to actualize Islamic law as the supreme source of lawin the national legal order. All laws and regulations applicable in a country should refer to the highest legal source Shari'a. If there is any conflict with the shari"a, then it is automatically canceled regulations. Politics that do not have a mission like this can not be classified as political Islam.

AbstractGender is one of a number of contemporary discourse that can be called that is enough to get the attention of many people, from the teenagers, among movement activists, academics and students, the legislature and government, to the clergy. The purpose of this discourse is a close social injustice based on gender differences, the next attempt to bring about equality between men and women on the social aspects. Gender discourse can be categorized into at least four appearances, namely as a movement, a philosophical discourse, the development of social issues to religious issues, and as an approach in the study of religion. This paper will discuss the perspectives of gender equality as conceived by Muslim feminists. Generally it can be stated that the goal of feminism is the struggle to achieve equality, dignity, and freedom of women in selecting and managing the life and body, both inside and outside the household.Kata Kunci: kesetaraan, gender, gerakan, feminisme Islam

Njegosh's works are the subject of many disputes arising in science and journalism in former Jugoslavija. The most important dispute in this regard is the image of Islam given by Njegosh in his works . All discussions related to this parts of works of Njegosh belong to the domain of politics . Politics, arising on the basis of religious motives. All of this belong to the young scientific discipline Politology of religion. Having this in mind, our work will use the subject and method of Politology of religion analyzing the image of Islam which Njegosh gave in his works . In that way it will be seen if the allegations that he have been islamophobe are true or not . ; Nјegoševa delo predmet je mnogih sporova nastalih u nauci i publicistici bivše Jugoslavije.Najvažniji spor u tom smislu jeste slika islama koju je Nјegoš prikazo u svojim delima. Sve rasprave koje se tiču ovog dela Nјegoševog stvaralaštva spadaju u domen politike. Politike koja nastaje na osnovu verskih pobuda. Sve to spada u polјe mlade naučne discipline Politikologije religije. S obzirom na to u ovom radu će se, polazeći od predmeta i metoda Politikologije religije, analizirati slika islama koju Nјegoš daje u svom delu. Tako će se videti lo da li su optužbe da je bio islamofob tačne ili ne.

International audience ; A moins d'adopter un point de vue substantialiste et culturaliste, il est impossible de parler en toute généralité de « justice en islam » ou de « conception islamique de la justice ». Il faut en effet constater que les théories, les dogmes et les catégories qu'ils instituent sont nuancés, voire divergents, et qu'ils n'ont cessé d'évoluer. Au-delà du discours religieux, il faut aussi prendre la mesure de ce que la justice est une pratique dont la réalité historique échappe le plus souvent à tout cadre rigide. On distinguera ainsi la question de la justice dans la production discursive, les catégories doctrinales dans lesquelles s'inscrivent ce que l'on fait aujourd'hui relever du domaine pénal, la justice comme pratique propre à des institutions, entre autres judiciaires, et la justice internationale contemporaine quand elle est confrontée à des conflits dont tout ou partie des protagonistes se revendiquent d'une conception plus ou moins radicale de l'islam. Justice et normes pénales comme thèmes de la prédication coranique et de la tradition prophétique

International audience ; L'islam occupe une place croissante dans notre vocabulaire. Des populations auparavant désignées par des catégories nationales, socio-économiques ou légales (Algériens, Maghrébins, travailleurs immigrés, étrangers) sont désormais souvent renvoyées à leur appartenance religieuse réelle ou supposée : on parle de plus en plus de « musulmans ». Cette centralité discursive de l'islam est le fruit de plusieursévolutions. Une partie de ces populations, en particulier leurs enfants et petits-enfants nés et socialisés en France, investit de plus en plus le référent religieux comme catégorie positive d'identification. Par ailleurs, à la faveur des paniques morales autour de l'islam qui rythment l'actualité depuis les années 1980, ces personnes sont de plus en plus interpellées en tant que musulmanes et tenues responsables des actes et propos des autres musulmans à l'échelle mondiale. Les chercheurs en sciences sociales ne sont pas étrangers à ces processus : ils y contribuent à travers la production de connaissances sur les « musulmans ». Longtemps parent pauvre des sciences sociales françaises, l'islam s'impose aujourd'hui comme un objet de recherche incontournable. Cette nécessaire prise en compte du religieux présente toutefois un risque, que le sociologue américain Rogers Brubaker nomme « islamisme méthodologique » : faire de l'islam l'unique matrice explicative des comportementsdes personnes identifiées comme musulmanes, au détriment d'autres facteurs (classe sociale, ancrage résidentiel, histoire migratoire, contexte politique, etc.).

International audience ; L'islam occupe une place croissante dans notre vocabulaire. Des populations auparavant désignées par des catégories nationales, socio-économiques ou légales (Algériens, Maghrébins, travailleurs immigrés, étrangers) sont désormais souvent renvoyées à leur appartenance religieuse réelle ou supposée : on parle de plus en plus de « musulmans ». Cette centralité discursive de l'islam est le fruit de plusieursévolutions. Une partie de ces populations, en particulier leurs enfants et petits-enfants nés et socialisés en France, investit de plus en plus le référent religieux comme catégorie positive d'identification. Par ailleurs, à la faveur des paniques morales autour de l'islam qui rythment l'actualité depuis les années 1980, ces personnes sont de plus en plus interpellées en tant que musulmanes et tenues responsables des actes et propos des autres musulmans à l'échelle mondiale. Les chercheurs en sciences sociales ne sont pas étrangers à ces processus : ils y contribuent à travers la production de connaissances sur les « musulmans ». Longtemps parent pauvre des sciences sociales françaises, l'islam s'impose aujourd'hui comme un objet de recherche incontournable. Cette nécessaire prise en compte du religieux présente toutefois un risque, que le sociologue américain Rogers Brubaker nomme « islamisme méthodologique » : faire de l'islam l'unique matrice explicative des comportementsdes personnes identifiées comme musulmanes, au détriment d'autres facteurs (classe sociale, ancrage résidentiel, histoire migratoire, contexte politique, etc.).

In my opening comments during the conference "The Everyday Life of Islam: Focus on Islam in China," held at Cornell University on April 27 and 28, 2012, I proposed a number of themes, tensions, and conflicts on which we might focus our discussion of the papers. This epilogue will summarize some of the conversations that ensued and note areas of particular interest that emerged from revisions to the five essays presented in this special issue of Cross-Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review. Some conference participants attempted to make generalizations at national and transnational levels, while others stuck tenaciously to local details. Our discussions sometimes strayed from "everyday life," but rarely from diverse, sometimes divisive, solutions to the everyday problem of "being Muslim and being Chinese" and its macrocosmic projection, "Islam in China/China in Islam," or, in Rian Thum's contribution, Islam not in China. The essays here, influenced by conversations and debates during the conference, suggest future agendas for study of Islam in China and research on Muslim minorities and comparative religion and politics.

Rather than China versus Islam, the overarching theme of this special issue is "Islam in China/China in Islam." In thinking through "Islam in China," we argue that the relationship between China and Islam is not one of opposition, but rather one of cultural, linguistic, and economic imbrication. Indeed, it is difficult to describe Islam and China as two separate or essentialized entities. For some Muslim minorities in certain regions of China, there is no distinction between neo-Confucianism and Islam or between the nation-state and the global umma (community of Muslims). Through intellectual labor, modes of prayer and worship, art, calligraphy, architecture, cuisine, linguistic creoles, and legal pluralism, these Muslims embody multiple cultural referents. For other Muslim minorities in other regions in China, political and economic circumstances present challenges to living in accordance with Islam while also being a citizen of the PRC. In other words, the Muslim experience in China encompasses a complex mosaic of accommodation, adjustment, preservation, and, at times, resistance. Thus, generalizations about this incredibly diverse population are unhelpful, and careful attention must be paid to history, politics, and place.

Fokus utama Ekonomi Islam adalah keperluan untuk membangun dan membantu perumusan analisis dan problem solving urnat muslim guna merealisasi tujuan pemenuhan kesejahteraan atau kepuasan, disamping ekspektasi lainnya. Melalui dasar-dasar teoritik serta prinsip dan system Ekonomi Islam bahwa umat muslim akan memiliki dunia pandang mengenai issu-isu dan problematika. Disamping perilaku ekonomi atau kebijakan keuangan, yang selama ini dilandasi oleh paham dan analisis ekonomi kapitalis Barat sekuler atau liberalisasi ekonomi konvensional, dengan norma-norma Syari'ah. Prograrn dan prospek ini bukan sebagai idialis ekstrim, melainkan situasi obyektif memperlihatkan kepada arah sedemikian. Pencemaran ini seperti layaknya kecermatan para ekonom dan para kapitalis terhadap perkembangan lingkungan ekunomi, baik konvensional geografis atau struktural dalam membangun teori-teori dan paham ekonomi konvensional yang mereka anut. Ekonomi Islam bagaimanapun akan menjadi satu model alat analisis untuk umat muslim. dan akan mengurangi ketergantungan secara absolut, meski tidak secara radikal, pada alat analisis ekonomi dan keuangan konvensional, apakah kapitalis atau sosialis. Prinsip, sistem, serta karakteristik Ekonomi dan Keuangan Islam. antara teoritik dan ernpirik dapat ditumbuhkan disamping secara akurat dan sistematik melalui alat-alat analisis yang dieebut dalam Ekonomi Islam. Perencanaan dan pengembangan program studi Ekonomi Islam memiliki makna yang besar dan strategis dalam tatanan pembangunan kelslaman juga dalam kehidupan serta peradaban komunitas muslim. Begitu juga pengembangannya menjadi disiplin ilmu sosial pada level akademik sangat diperlukan, kendati secara geopolitik khususnya di dataran Indonesia ada kendala formal studi yang relatif baru bagi umat muslim adalah berada dalam konteks yang benar, seiring dengan bimbingan ubudiyah dari perjalanan zaman dan tuntutan ajaran spiritual agarna yang dilandasi keimanan, dalam proses kesem-purnaan pengalaman dan kebaikan sernua anak manusia. Program pembangunan studi ...

Momentum kebebasan demokrasi memberi angin segar bagi kelompok fundamentalis-radi­kal merangsek ke tengah publik untuk menyua­ra­kan aspirasi politis-ideologisnya. Sialnya, cara, gaya, karakter atau pendekatan yang digunakan kerap berseberangan dengan iden­ti­tas dan bangunan budaya bangsa ini. Kekerasan kerap menjadi menu tidak asing lagi yang melekat dalam tubuh kelompok fundamentalis-radikal. Dengan berjubahkan agama dan atas nama agama, Islam sebagai agama rahmah dan toleran menjadi kabur dibumi Indonesia ini, tertutupi oleh merebaknya fenomena radikali­tas dan ekstrimitas kelompok-kelompok funda­men­talis-radikal. Bukan hanya itu, logika radi­kalitas kelompok fundamentalis-radikal pun berjalan diatas logika demokrasi dan kebebasan menyuarakan pendapat, walau harus mengor­ban­kan keadaban dan keluhuran agama dan bangsa ini