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Most of academicians argue that islamophobia is more enlarge after 9/11—troppled the twin towers of the World Trade Center by attacking three commercial jetliners. It is no doubt that 9/11 has hold the comeback of religion into world agenda which situated in political, ideological, religious, economic, sociological, cultural and other questions. Under such conditions, the authority announced the dangerous climate, constitutes the military to begin "war on terror" intent to safety; in other way, it makes way to invoke a battle ethic between "good and evil" such as the meaning of dangerous and safety. In the present article argues that such global waron terror and its prevention policies can lead to the institutionalization of Islamophobia, circulate for extremism to flourish of public imagination. It is a project of terror and also counterterror as discourse of islamophobia. Base on Runnymede Trust, Islamophobia coined to describe racism of Muslims and intolerance of their religious and cultural beliefs. This discourse turn up after Cold War as Huntington clash of civilizations' thesis and Fukuyama's declaration of capitalism and liberal democracy along with Gulf War and Islam revolution. Afterward, this paper will not fully demonstrate alldiscussions, but instead will look briefly at make sense of islamophobia with some discriminations, intimidations and exclusions on the muslim and its impact on the cultural measures.
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Islamophobia and the Law is a foundational volume of critical scholarship on the emerging form of bigotry widely known as Islamophobia. This book brings together leading legal scholars to explore the emergence and rise of Islamophobia after the 9/11 terror attacks, particularly how the law brings about state-sponsored Islamophobia and acts as a dynamic catalyst of private Islamophobia and vigilante violence against Muslims. The first book of its kind, it is a critical read for scholars and practitioners, advocates and students interested in deepening their knowledge of the subject matter. This collection addresses Islamophobia in race, immigration and citizenship, criminal law and national security, in the use of courts to advance anti-Muslim projects and in law and society.
In: Parliamentary affairs: a journal of representative politics, Band 66, Heft 4, S. 887-886
ISSN: 0031-2290
In: Parliamentary affairs: a journal of comparative politics, Band 66, Heft 4, S. 887-893
ISSN: 1460-2482
In: Routledge studies in human geography
In: Strategic studies: quarterly journal of the Institute of Strategic Studies, Islamabad, S. 1-16
ISSN: 1811-9557
This research paper is an attempt to understand rising Islamophobia in India in relation to Hindutva as a political ideology. It is argued that Islamophobia is inherent in Savarkar's construction of 'self' and the 'other' that was reinforced by his followers Hedgewar and Golwalkar. These constructs are based on dominant Brahmanic traditions mainly used for political purposes to acquire and sustain power. The lower Hindu castes and minorities are primary victims in this homogenising project of Hindutva. Hindutva ideology emerged as a response to British colonisation based on politics of resistance. But in the post-partition era it evolved into politics of domination by a particular construct of 'Hindu Nationalism' comprising of Brahmanic, Aryan and Vedic components. Hindutva zealots equate an Indian with Hindu identity and Muslims are constructed as an internal threat to Hindutva ideology as they resist this homogenisation and continue to assert a separate identity for themselves.
I started this paper as a result of reading a Time Magazine article entitled Is America Islamophobic? (Ghosh, 2010). The article tried to answer whether America had a Muslim problem focusing on the current discourse regarding mosque building in the US, particularly the controversial Park 51 project in New York City. The Park 51 controversy illustrates .the many misconceptions (addressed later in the paper) about Islam and its adherents that is pervading in American society. It is important that misconceptions are addressed to find potential solutions to the growing Islamophobia in America. Park 51 is a project that plans to build a Muslim cultural center and mosque two blocks from Ground Zero. In response to the plan, many Americans demonstrated at the site and many more protested the plan throughout the US. Protesters carrying signs like "All I Need to Know About Islam, I Learned on 9/11", "No Memorial to Terrorists", and" Building a Mosque at Ground Zero is Like Building a Memorial to Hitler at Auschwitz" is demonstrative of the American publics' growing intolerance of Islam and its adherents (Ghosh, 2010). From one controversy, one can see that many Americans believe that Islam is a violent creed, requiring believers to kill or convert all others, and that Muslims are savage and backwards (Ghosh, 2010). Moreover, this growing intolerance is farther exacerbated by mainstream religious and political leaders who, whether deliberately or not, equates Islam with terrorism and savagery (Ghosh, 2010). One example was a pastor in Florida who announced his plan to burn the Koran because, in his warped view, it is not holy; another, was former House Speaker Newt Gingrich who, according to Times, "seemed to equate Islam with Nazism" (Ghosh, p. 23, 2010). It comes as no surprise that l Cabili 2 . . --. ~ Islamophobia in America is gro~ing, sjnce even political leaders that should know better are proclaiming the same Islamophobic tendencies as the American public. This type of reaction by the political leaders not only give substance to Islamophobia but drives forward the idea of Islam as something against the American idea. I think the real question is not whether America is afraid of Islam (and its adherents) but whether Muslims should be afraid of the US and Americans especially i~ this post-9 /11 world.
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I started this paper as a result of reading a Time Magazine article entitled Is America Islamophobic? (Ghosh, 2010). The article tried to answer whether America had a Muslim problem focusing on the current discourse regarding mosque building in the US, particularly the controversial Park 51 project in New York City. The Park 51 controversy illustrates .the many misconceptions (addressed later in the paper) about Islam and its adherents that is pervading in American society. It is important that misconceptions are addressed to find potential solutions to the growing Islamophobia in America. Park 51 is a project that plans to build a Muslim cultural center and mosque two blocks from Ground Zero. In response to the plan, many Americans demonstrated at the site and many more protested the plan throughout the US. Protesters carrying signs like "All I Need to Know About Islam, I Learned on 9/11", "No Memorial to Terrorists", and" Building a Mosque at Ground Zero is Like Building a Memorial to Hitler at Auschwitz" is demonstrative of the American publics' growing intolerance of Islam and its adherents (Ghosh, 2010). From one controversy, one can see that many Americans believe that Islam is a violent creed, requiring believers to kill or convert all others, and that Muslims are savage and backwards (Ghosh, 2010). Moreover, this growing intolerance is farther exacerbated by mainstream religious and political leaders who, whether deliberately or not, equates Islam with terrorism and savagery (Ghosh, 2010). One example was a pastor in Florida who announced his plan to burn the Koran because, in his warped view, it is not holy; another, was former House Speaker Newt Gingrich who, according to Times, "seemed to equate Islam with Nazism" (Ghosh, p. 23, 2010). It comes as no surprise that l Cabili 2 . . --. ~ Islamophobia in America is gro~ing, sjnce even political leaders that should know better are proclaiming the same Islamophobic tendencies as the American public. This type of reaction by the political leaders not only give substance to Islamophobia but drives forward the idea of Islam as something against the American idea. I think the real question is not whether America is afraid of Islam (and its adherents) but whether Muslims should be afraid of the US and Americans especially i~ this post-9 /11 world.
BASE
I started this paper as a result of reading a Time Magazine article entitled Is America Islamophobic? (Ghosh, 2010). The article tried to answer whether America had a Muslim problem focusing on the current discourse regarding mosque building in the US, particularly the controversial Park 51 project in New York City. The Park 51 controversy illustrates .the many misconceptions (addressed later in the paper) about Islam and its adherents that is pervading in American society. It is important that misconceptions are addressed to find potential solutions to the growing Islamophobia in America. Park 51 is a project that plans to build a Muslim cultural center and mosque two blocks from Ground Zero. In response to the plan, many Americans demonstrated at the site and many more protested the plan throughout the US. Protesters carrying signs like "All I Need to Know About Islam, I Learned on 9/11", "No Memorial to Terrorists", and" Building a Mosque at Ground Zero is Like Building a Memorial to Hitler at Auschwitz" is demonstrative of the American publics' growing intolerance of Islam and its adherents (Ghosh, 2010). From one controversy, one can see that many Americans believe that Islam is a violent creed, requiring believers to kill or convert all others, and that Muslims are savage and backwards (Ghosh, 2010). Moreover, this growing intolerance is farther exacerbated by mainstream religious and political leaders who, whether deliberately or not, equates Islam with terrorism and savagery (Ghosh, 2010). One example was a pastor in Florida who announced his plan to burn the Koran because, in his warped view, it is not holy; another, was former House Speaker Newt Gingrich who, according to Times, "seemed to equate Islam with Nazism" (Ghosh, p. 23, 2010). It comes as no surprise that l Cabili 2 . . --. ~ Islamophobia in America is gro~ing, sjnce even political leaders that should know better are proclaiming the same Islamophobic tendencies as the American public. This type of reaction by the political leaders not only give substance to Islamophobia but drives forward the idea of Islam as something against the American idea. I think the real question is not whether America is afraid of Islam (and its adherents) but whether Muslims should be afraid of the US and Americans especially i~ this post-9 /11 world.
BASE
In: Strategic Studies, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 1-16
ISSN: 1029-0990
This research paper is an attempt to understand rising Islamophobia in India in relation to Hindutva as a political ideology. It is argued that Islamophobia is inherent in Savarkar's construction of 'self' and the 'other' that was reinforced by his followers Hedgewar and Golwalkar. These constructs are based on dominant Brahmanic traditions mainly used for political purposes to acquire and sustain power. The lower Hindu castes and minorities are primary victims in this homogenising project of Hindutva. Hindutva ideology emerged as a response to British colonisation based on politics of resistance. But in the post-partition era it evolved into politics of domination by a particular construct of 'Hindu Nationalism' comprising of Brahmanic, Aryan and Vedic components. Hindutva zealots equate an Indian with Hindu identity and Muslims are constructed as an internal threat to Hindutva ideology as they resist this homogenisation and continue to assert a separate identity for themselves.
This chapter analyses the dominant years of the politics of Islamophobia in Turkey, which roughly covers the years from the last decades of the nineteenth century to the late 1990s. It takes the definition of Islamophobia as the construction of Islam and Muslims as the enemy. Based on that definition, it argues that Islamophobia played a constitutive role in the establishment and construction of the modern Turkish state. First of all, the politics of Islamophobia served to replace the Ottoman Empire with the secular–nationalist Turkish Republic. Following the completion of this political transition, Islamophobia was deployed to produce a secular–nationalist reality, which included the forming of a secular– nationalist society in its domestic realm, backing a Westphalian regional order and a Western- centric global order on its outside. The politics of Islamophobia remained dominant in Turkish politics until the 2000s.
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In: World policy journal: WPJ, Band 28, Heft 4, S. 14-15
ISSN: 1936-0924
This article discusses some preliminary findings of the English part of a European Commission Fundamental Rights and Citizenship funded project 23393BChildren23393Bs Voices23393B (2011- 2013) concerned with exploring and understanding children and young people23393Bs experiences of interethnic conflict and violence in primary and secondary schools. This is a comparative study of England, Slovenia, Cyprus, Austria and Italy and the English focus is on Islamophobia. The research comprises a review of literature, legislation and good practice in race equality in England3B a quantitative study of 8 primary schools (year 52F6) and 8 Secondary schools2Fsixth form centres (year 122F13) in 4 regions of England3B a qualitative study of pupils and adults in 4 schools in one region and interview material from semi structured interviews with a range of 23393Bexperts23393B in the area. The article outlines some of the research findings from the first quantitative stage of the research. It argues that in schools with a strong citizenship ethos, where different religions are respected and where there are strong institutional processes and procedures against discriminatory practices, Islamophobia and conflict are not likely to be an issue, however, the same cannot be said for the wider society.
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