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This book revisits key debates about state formation and the role of state policies in shaping state-society relations in Africa. It provides a systematic discussion of the political events that led to the institutionalisation of the developmental state in Ethiopia in the course of the 2000s and 2010s.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of figure and tables -- List of abbreviations -- Acknowledgements -- Preface -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Peace building -- The rise of the post-Cold War peace and security architecture -- Integrated transition -- The "peace map" of a typical UN peace building operation -- Fragmentation not integration -- Conclusion: Explaining the recurring pattern to state formation in peace transitions -- 3 State building -- The evolution of post-conflict state building -- Building Denmark -- Building Leviathan -- The Core State Functions model

This work focuses on the political philosophy and the constitutional transformation of the contradiction between two major nations in one land, namely Palestine-Israel. While the notion of the Nation-State has permeated the Levant since the 1917 British crusade into Jerusalem, the organic demographic actuality of the country's population is incompatible with the dominance of one nation in one land, with the subsequent degeneration into the series of war crimes that began in 1947. To move away from this conception of a Zionist State requires another methodology that offers an alternative to the domination of one nation by another that is rationalized by the myths of nation-building promoted by the Nationalist school of thought. With an approach that is inter-national, in the root meaning of the term, this book fuses the Jewish Bundist concept of National-Cultural Autonomy with the process of constituent assemblies as an expression of the parallel civil societies that become an organic social construction codified in a federal constitution. By avoiding the notion of the Nation-State, this exit may then be named "the No-State Solution".

Strong states and strong civil societies are now increasingly hailed as the twin drivers of a 'rising Africa'. Current attempts to support growth and democracy are part of a longer history of promoting projects of disciplinary, regulatory and liberal rule and values beyond 'the West'. Yet this is not simply Western domination of a passive continent. Such an interpretation misses out on the complexities and nuances of the politics of state-building and civil society promotion, and the central role of African agency. Drawing upon critical theory, including postcolonial and governmentality approaches, this book interrogates international practices of state-building and civil society support in Africa. It seeks to develop a theoretically informed critical approach to discourses and interventions such as those associated with broadly 'Western' initiatives in Africa. In doing so, the book highlights the power relations, inequalities, coercion and violence that are deeply implicated within contemporary international interventions on the African continent. Providing a range of empirical cases and theoretical approaches, the chapters are united by their critical treatment of political dynamics in Africa. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of African politics, development studies, postcolonial theory, International Relations, international political economy and peacekeeping/making.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction -- Introduction -- Explaining separatism -- Grievance versus greed -- Ethno-nationalistexplanations -- Understanding the causes of separatism in a South Asian context -- Conclusion -- 2 Genesis of conflict -- Introduction -- The states of South Asia and their pre-modern antecedents -- Mobilization against the parent state -- Economic under-development -- Ethnic dilution and population demographics -- Education, political consciousness and external interference

Cover -- Contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- List of Abbreviations -- Introduction -- Origins of the 'development' paradigm -- Varied development experiences -- Measuring development? -- The failure of development -- About this book -- 1 What is Development? -- Traditional meanings of development -- Contemporary meanings of development -- Applying development definitions -- Conclusion -- 2 Reassessing Development Theory -- The global context for development ideas and policies -- Theories of modernization -- The challenge of dependency theory -- The Asian miracle: challenges for modernization and dependency approaches -- The rise of neoliberalism: globalization and development theory -- The global financial crisis and emerging challenges to neoliberalism -- 3 The Economics of Development -- The main drivers of growth: competing schools of thought -- Policies to stimulate growth -- Growth and development in a globalizing world: towards a new paradigm? -- 4 Continuing Crises: The Developing World and the Global Financial Crisis -- Global and regional crises in historical context: learning the lessons -- How has the risk of crisis increased in recent years? -- Seeking to understand the causes of crises: the return of Marx, Keynes and Minsky -- Other explanations for the GFC and ideas to prevent a recurrence -- Asia and the global financial crisis -- Africa and the global financial crisis -- Latin America and the global financial crisis -- The GFC and the future of globalization and North-South relations -- 5 Politics and Governance -- The origins of developing countries -- Political identity -- The state and the nation -- Militaries in politics -- Democracy, democratization and regime change -- Regime change -- The state, society and democratization -- State institutions -- Governance -- Conclusion -- 6 Aid and Development -- The purpose of aid.

State Building in Boom Times maintains that coalitional politics accounts for why resource booms yield divergent state building. Countries ruled by export-oriented coalitions expand state capacity amid commodity booms. But when exporters are politically marginalized, ruling coalitions prey upon export wealth, to the detriment of state capacity.

We consider a Gellnerian model to study the transformation of a two-region state into a nation state. Industrialization requires the elites to finance schooling. The implementation of statewide education generates a common national identity, which enables cross-regional production, while regional education does not. We show that statewide education is chosen when cross-regional production opportunities and productivity are high, especially when the same elite holds power at both geographical levels. By contrast, a dominant regional elite might prefer regional schooling, even at the loss of large cross-regional production opportunities if it is statewide dominated. The model is consistent with evidence for five European countries in 1860–1920. ; This work was supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, through the Severo Ochoa Programme for Centres of Excellence in R&D (grant number SEV-2015-0563), CICYT (grant number ECO2012- 37065), and the government of Catalonia ; Peer reviewed

This work is described about the India role in the nation building of Afghanistan for peace initiative. Indian government how control terrorism through nation building approach. This work has cover almost all such initiative made by the India towards Afghanistan to resolve dispute and enhance relationship between two countries.

We model a two-region country where value is created through bilateral production between masses and elites (bourgeois and landowners). Industrialization requires the elites to finance schools and the masses to attend them. Schooling raises productivity, particularly for matches between masses and bourgeois. At the same time, only country-wide education (unified schoolingî) renders the masses mobile across regions. Alternatively, schools can be implemented in one region alone (regional education) or the regionally dominant group can choose to implement schooling in its own region but refuse to share the costs/proceeds within the wider country-level group (secession). We show that schools are more likely to be set-up when the bourgeoisie dominates, but that this is not necesarily socially e¢ cient. Unified schooling is always chosen if the identity of the dominant elite at the regional and country level is the same and/or the industrialization shock is sufficiently high. If instead the bourgeoisie is dominant in one region and landowners are dominant countrywise, the bourgeoisie of that region may promote the secession of the region, and this can be socially e¢ cient. The model is shown to be consistent with evidence for 19th century France and Spain. ; Hauk acknowledges Önancial support from the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, through the Severo Ochoa Programme for Centres of Excellence in R&D (SEV-2011-0075) and through CICYT project number ECO2012-37065 and from the government of Catalonia ; Peer reviewed

This book addresses the question, 'Why has UN state-building so consistently failed to meet its objectives?'. It proposes an explanation based on the application of complexity theory to UN interventions in South Sudan and DRC, where the UN has been tasked to implement massive stabilization and state-building missions.

Intro -- Foreword -- Contents -- List of Figures -- 1 Stabilization and Reconstruction -- Introduction -- We Don't Do Nation Building! -- Why Reconstruction? -- Analytic Method -- 2 The Cross-Cutting Principles -- Introduction -- Cross-Cutting Principles: Conditions and Approaches -- Assessment -- 3 Stabilization and Reconstruction End States -- Introduction -- Safe and Secure Environment -- Assessment -- Rule of Law -- Assessment -- Sustainable Economy -- Assessment -- Stable Governance -- Assessment -- Social Well-Being Introduction -- Assessment -- 4 Observations and Recommendations for Future Stabilization -- Introduction -- Lack of Planning -- "Woefully Under-Resourced" -- Voter Fatigue -- The Civil-Military Dilemma and the Structure of Governance -- Governance -- Home Rule of Law -- Embrace Stabilization as a Mission -- Guiding Principles: Proposed Revision and Application -- Framework for Developing Stabilization Task List and Evaluation Tool -- Address Elite Bargaining as Part of Political Primacy -- Conclusion -- Annex I: Approaches, Conditions, and End States for Stabilization and Reconstruction from the Guiding Principles -- Index.