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Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of figure and tables -- List of abbreviations -- Acknowledgements -- Preface -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Peace building -- The rise of the post-Cold War peace and security architecture -- Integrated transition -- The "peace map" of a typical UN peace building operation -- Fragmentation not integration -- Conclusion: Explaining the recurring pattern to state formation in peace transitions -- 3 State building -- The evolution of post-conflict state building -- Building Denmark -- Building Leviathan -- The Core State Functions model

This work focuses on the political philosophy and the constitutional transformation of the contradiction between two major nations in one land, namely Palestine-Israel. While the notion of the Nation-State has permeated the Levant since the 1917 British crusade into Jerusalem, the organic demographic actuality of the country's population is incompatible with the dominance of one nation in one land, with the subsequent degeneration into the series of war crimes that began in 1947. To move away from this conception of a Zionist State requires another methodology that offers an alternative to the domination of one nation by another that is rationalized by the myths of nation-building promoted by the Nationalist school of thought. With an approach that is inter-national, in the root meaning of the term, this book fuses the Jewish Bundist concept of National-Cultural Autonomy with the process of constituent assemblies as an expression of the parallel civil societies that become an organic social construction codified in a federal constitution. By avoiding the notion of the Nation-State, this exit may then be named "the No-State Solution".

Cover -- Contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- List of Abbreviations -- Introduction -- Origins of the 'development' paradigm -- Varied development experiences -- Measuring development? -- The failure of development -- About this book -- 1 What is Development? -- Traditional meanings of development -- Contemporary meanings of development -- Applying development definitions -- Conclusion -- 2 Reassessing Development Theory -- The global context for development ideas and policies -- Theories of modernization -- The challenge of dependency theory -- The Asian miracle: challenges for modernization and dependency approaches -- The rise of neoliberalism: globalization and development theory -- The global financial crisis and emerging challenges to neoliberalism -- 3 The Economics of Development -- The main drivers of growth: competing schools of thought -- Policies to stimulate growth -- Growth and development in a globalizing world: towards a new paradigm? -- 4 Continuing Crises: The Developing World and the Global Financial Crisis -- Global and regional crises in historical context: learning the lessons -- How has the risk of crisis increased in recent years? -- Seeking to understand the causes of crises: the return of Marx, Keynes and Minsky -- Other explanations for the GFC and ideas to prevent a recurrence -- Asia and the global financial crisis -- Africa and the global financial crisis -- Latin America and the global financial crisis -- The GFC and the future of globalization and North-South relations -- 5 Politics and Governance -- The origins of developing countries -- Political identity -- The state and the nation -- Militaries in politics -- Democracy, democratization and regime change -- Regime change -- The state, society and democratization -- State institutions -- Governance -- Conclusion -- 6 Aid and Development -- The purpose of aid.

This work is described about the India role in the nation building of Afghanistan for peace initiative. Indian government how control terrorism through nation building approach. This work has cover almost all such initiative made by the India towards Afghanistan to resolve dispute and enhance relationship between two countries.

We model a two-region country where value is created through bilateral production between masses and elites (bourgeois and landowners). Industrialization requires the elites to finance schools and the masses to attend them. Schooling raises productivity, particularly for matches between masses and bourgeois. At the same time, only country-wide education (unified schoolingî) renders the masses mobile across regions. Alternatively, schools can be implemented in one region alone (regional education) or the regionally dominant group can choose to implement schooling in its own region but refuse to share the costs/proceeds within the wider country-level group (secession). We show that schools are more likely to be set-up when the bourgeoisie dominates, but that this is not necesarily socially e¢ cient. Unified schooling is always chosen if the identity of the dominant elite at the regional and country level is the same and/or the industrialization shock is sufficiently high. If instead the bourgeoisie is dominant in one region and landowners are dominant countrywise, the bourgeoisie of that region may promote the secession of the region, and this can be socially e¢ cient. The model is shown to be consistent with evidence for 19th century France and Spain. ; Hauk acknowledges Önancial support from the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, through the Severo Ochoa Programme for Centres of Excellence in R&D (SEV-2011-0075) and through CICYT project number ECO2012-37065 and from the government of Catalonia ; Peer reviewed

This work examines how the economic survival strategies of former fighters in Liberia can help explain the trajectories of war-to-peace transitions.

Given that religion can contribute to the unity and integration of societies as well as to the reinforcement of division within societies, the role of Christianity in the process of nation building in West-Africa is studied. The article describes salient aspects of the relations between the missionaries and the political administrations and European traders, the cultural and political aims of the missionaries and the role of the Independent Churches and societies. It is concluded that the Christian Churches contributed in various ways to the processes of nation-building and nationalism in West-Africa. This section is followed with an account of the relations between the various church formations and the state in West-Africa. The whole article is concluded with some reflection on contemporary tendencies towards measuring the value of a religion in terms of the contribution it can make to national development and movement in the direction of civil religion.

Nigerian independence has spanned through 57 years (from October 1, 1960). Of these 57 years the military have ruled for over 32 years. It was expected that the new state of Nigeria in due course would develop public institutions and out of their multiple ethnic communities and diverse cultural groups would emerge the spirit of the nation. Unfortunately, however, at independence, the British not only handed over leadership to a class of educated elite, but also handed over a regionalized, ethnic based administration. So, the emergence of a 3-region structure for Nigeria at independence had implications for nation building. A conscious policy or plan of making Nigeria a nation definitely includes putting in place a set of cultural values and practices for all those referred to as Nigerians. But the question is, did the military in its lengthy years of rule ever have the ambition or dream of building a nation? This paper contends that the military rule is a dictatorship rule which in itself produced all kind of challenges to nation building. These challenges include; the challenge of power- sharing; the challenge of unequal socio-economic development, intergroup tensions and conflicts among others. The paper concludes that nation building is a task for all and sundry; military as well as civilian administration. Article visualizations:

In 1948, the Viennese city councilor in charge of cultural affairs commissioned a painting of the legendary Austrian football team of the early 1930s, the so-called "Wunderteam." Paul Meissner, the creator of the painting, chose to depict the team entering the pitch at Stamford Bridge football ground in London in 1932. Even though it was not publicly accessible for decades, the painting achieved the status of an iconic image in Austria's collective memory. Seeking to understand why particularly this group portrait gained such prominence, the article pursues a set of questions. First it looks at the event itself and analyses the contemporary visual media coverage of the game. In a second step, it discusses the painting, its composition, and what it reveals about the political agenda postwar Austria sought to set.

Malaysia is a multiethnic country, in which ethnic factors as the basis of political interests. So far, efforts to create national integration have been directed at strengthening relations between ethnic groups and creating a political balance for all peoples. Efforts to build a nation state are conducted through policy: political cooperation, economic affirmation for ethnic Malays, education, and strengthening the position of Malay as the national language. The challenge to the nation state development in Malaysia emerged during the economic crisis of 1998. The conflict brought political divisions among Malaysians, especially Malays. After Mahathir Mohamad's reign, efforts to promote national unity were carried out by introducing a moderate and tolerant concept of Islam Hadhari. During the leadership of Najib Razak, efforts to build a nation state were undertaken under the idea of One Malaysia. One of the challenges of developing a nation today is: The widening of gaps, racial prejudices, increased group identity, intolerance and corruption.

Part I: Introduction -- Part II: Ideology and Global Peace -- From Ideological Orthodoxy to Neoliberal Peace -- Theoretical Underpinning and Relevance to Neoliberal Peace -- Part III: Core Tenets of Neoliberal Peace and Its Policy Agendas -- Democracy as Policy Agenda for Peace -- Human Rights as Policy Agenda for Peace -- Economic Liberalization as Policy Agenda for Peace -- Good Governance as Policy Instruments for Peace -- Foreign Policy Framework and Foreign Policy Decision -- Reflection on Neoliberal Peace Principles in Cambodia -- Concluding Chapter

Countries emerging from civil war or protracted violence often face the daunting challenge of rebuilding their economy while simultaneously creating the political and social conditions for a stable peace. Drawing on a range of thematic studies and empirical cases, this book examines how post-conflict reconstruction policies can be better sequenced in order to promote sustainable peace and provides evidence that many reforms that are often thought to be imperative may be better considered as long-term objectives, and that the immediate imperative for such societies should be 'people-centred' policies

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1869-1948), popularly addressed as Mahatma strove hard to blur out the dialectics of the 'personal' (private) and the 'political' (public). Tridip Suhrud in Rediscovering Gandhi has argued that a divide between the 'political' and the 'spiritual' has been the hallmark of the entire academic scrutiny on Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. However, the 'personal' and the 'political' nuances of Gandhi have not been acknowledged within the Bombay Filmdom until the late 1990s. Gandhi was accorded a saintly status after independence and it became a formidable task to animate him on to the celluloid screen. Contrary to this, there has been an instantaneous enticement towards Gandhi in the 'multiplex era' which simultaneously coincides with the leadership of United Progressive Alliance and its endorsement of 'Bharat-Nirman' agenda. This paper will attempt to examine the ideologies behind the recent hype on Gandhi both as a 'subject' and 'pedagogue' in Bombay Cinema, and the possible nexus between mainstream politics and the cinematic imagination. More specifically, by carrying out a socio-political study of a set of select films, this paper would assert that an attempt has been made through the celluloid to aestheticize Gandhi which not only obliterate the ground realities of the Indian socio-democratic structure, rather more significantly do a disservice to Gandhi himself who was in favor of maintaining a 'dialogical' attitude towards the 'self' as well as with the 'others'.