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"The book provides an updated account of justice reform in Afghanistan, which started in the wake of the US-led military intervention of 2001. In particular, it focuses on the role of international actors and their interaction with local stakeholders, highlighting some provisional results, together with problems and dilemmas encountered in the reform activities. Since the mid-1990s, justice system reform has become increasingly important in state-building operations, particularly with regard to the international administrations of Bosnia, Kosovo, East Slavonia and East Timor. Statebuilding and Justice Reform examines in depth the reform of justice in Afghanistan, evaluating whether the success of reform may be linked to any specific feature or approach. In doing so, it stresses the need for development programmes in the field of justice to be implemented through a multilateral approach, involving domestic authorities and other relevant stakeholders. Success is therefore linked to limiting the political interests of donors; establishing functioning pooled financing mechanisms; restricting the use of bilateral projects; improving the efficacy of technical and financial aid; and concentrating the attention on the 'demand for justice' at local level rather than on the traditional supply of financial and technical assistance. This book will be of much interest to students of Afghanistan, intervention and statebuilding, peacekeeping, and post-conflict reconstruction, as well as International Relations in general."--Back cover.

As the most dominant subject matter in the history of Chinese art, landscape representation has undergone many alternations in its form, theme, function, and context of application since its emergence as an independent artistic genre in the tenth century. For a long time, this subject of art has favored the portrayal of mountains and rivers as the key visual motifs for self-cultivation or meditation. However, during the nation-building era of the People's Republic of China in the 1950s and the early 1960s, landscape depictions began to characterize a new visual and spatial-temporal order, earning what official art critics of the time called "the New Landscape." Prior scholarship tends to consider such representations as the by-products of contemporary cultural policies, resulting in very little research that critically investigates the visuality of those images and their functions as an instrument for shaping viewers' conceptions and interpretations of the public image of their nation-state.This dissertation examines the function of the New Landscape as a site for political imagining during the art historically overlooked period known as "The Seventeen Years" (1949-1966) of the People's Republic of China. Unlike most scholarship which primarily examines the era's depiction of landscape within the medium of Chinese ink painting, I investigate it across different visual media and textual sources, under the critically understudied angle of imagining. This work examines the New Landscape by major art producers—including, but not limited to, painters from the Jiangsu Traditional Chinese Painting Institution in Nanjing, woodcut artists from the nation's collective farm in Beidahuang, and filmmakers of the Changchun Film Studio in Changchun. By critically investigating how the visual construction of their landscape arts connected to the political interpretation of the spatiality and temporality of the state's history surrounding the portrayed site, my research argues that the New Landscape served to reconfigure viewers' conceptions of the revolutionary past, socialist present, and communist future of the Chinese state. Thereby, the New Landscape served as a public art for managing the vision and the political envisioning of the viewers during the arduous process of Chinese socialist nation-building. This research intervenes in Chinese art history through its strong emphasis on the connections between landscape representation and political imagining, illuminating how the depiction of space in art could trigger affective responses in the viewer in the context of nation-building.

This thesis assesses institutional-learning by the European Union (EU) in Afghanistan. The assessment is carried out by delineating the developments and changes in relevant EU policies through the years 1993-2010 using process tracing. The analysis is based on an extensive review of EU documents, regulations, statements, publications and interviews together with third party evaluations and a survey of the relevant academic literature. The research question which the thesis addresses is to assess whether a policy change in EU state-building efforts is discernible and whether this change can be attributed to institutional-learning or to other causes. It also provides evidence that the state-building efforts by the EU form part of an institutional process of development by the EU to establish itself as a global actor. The assessment therefore focusses around four components: the EU, institutional-learning, state-building and Afghanistan. The aim of the thesis is to analyse the nexus between the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and EU-led state-building in fragile and/or post-conflict countries outside of the Union's enlargement sphere while taking into account the change in actorness on the part of the EU. This analysis is grounded on two interlocking frameworks. By using data and developments in the Afghanistan country study, elements of the state-building Framework are scrutinised for evidence of the different categories of institutional-learning and adaptation derived from the institutional-learning Framework. By pinpointing the learning processes within the EU as an organisation and in its state-building policies, and by analysing the limitations of its approach to these, the thesis concludes with a recommendation of how to make EU-led post-conflict state-building in forthcoming cases of fragile states more effective.

As a mode of intervention in which the UN assumed direct authority over disrupted states, transitional administrations represent unique examples of ambitious state-building projects. This thesis investigates the apparent failure of transitional administrations to establish the rule of law in Cambodia, Kosovo and East Timor. It identifies nine explanatory factors which are tested against each case study. In addition, it seeks to enhance conceptual understandings of the UN s state-building agenda and to add to empirical studies regarding attempts by external actors to establish the rule of law in disrupted states. Three findings emerge. First, in each case, UN transitional administrations failed in each of the following ways: to make the best use of their mandate; to establish effective state justice institutions; to build local commitment to the rule of law as a value system; to promote social relationships supportive of the rule of law; to ensure sufficient state capacity post-intervention; to maintain adequate levels of security; to address the existence of informal justice structures; to deal with the legacies of the past; and to ensure an adequate level of mission performance. Of these, establishing effective state justice institutions, building local commitment and addressing informal justice structures proved most crucial. Second, the state-based enforcement approach adopted by transitional administrations proved ineffective. Enacting laws and establishing coercive state structures such as judicial, police and prison services were critical to, but could not be equated with the rule of law. This approach did not account sufficiently for the importance of entrenched informal justice institutions, of the voluntary consent of local actors, or of appropriate institutional design choices. As a result, it did not offer real solutions to real problems faced by local actors. Finally, the UN failed to consider fully how to create an enabling space in which internal processes of change could occur, to engage ...

Soldiers and Scholars on the Frontier -- Missionary Explorers in the Field: Th e West China Border Research Society, 1922–37 -- Frontier Fever: Reporting from the Field -- Chinese Anthropologists at War: Frontier Reconstruction in the Field, 1937-45 -- Service in the Field: Wartime Students and the Frontier, 1940-45.

The stumbling state : the U.S. in the Philippines (1898-1913) -- The strategic rentier state : the U.S. in Iraq (2003-2010) -- The tumbling state : the U.S. in Nicaragua (1927-1933) -- The crumbling state : the U.S. in Vietnam (1965-1973) -- Conclusion: State centric COIN.

Seit 40 Jahren herrscht in Afghanistan Krieg. Bisher war die Frage der Machtverteilung, also die Definition der Hoheitsgebiete der einzelnen Elitefraktionen, nicht klar zu erkennen. Frangis Dadfar Spanta untersucht die unterschiedlichen Konfliktdynamiken, um dann Lösungsschritte für einen Friedenbildungsprozess vorzuschlagen. Anhand der unterschiedlichen Eliten aus Politik, Kultur, Wirtschaft, Medien, Bildung und Religion zeichnet sie die Patronage-Klientel-Netzwerke nach. Eine Besonderheit der Studie bilden Interviews mit Ashraf Ghani, Hamid Karzai, Abdullah Abdullah, Atta Noor sowie mit zwei Taliban-Repräsentanten. Die Untersuchung ist aufgrund ihrer theoretischen und methodischen Herangehensweise sowohl für Politik- und Sozialwissenschaftler_innen als auch für Anthropolog_innen lesenswert.

1 Introduction -- 2 Nation-building and the Afghan state -- 3 Bureaucratic politics and Nation-building -- 4 The US Foreign Policy Bureaucracy and Nation-building in Afghanistan -- 5 Security -- 6 Infrastructure Development -- 7 Counter-Narcotics, Law & Governance -- 8 The Failure of collaborative Mechanisms -- 9 Provincial Reconstruction teams: -- 10 Conclusion.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Chapter 1. Off-Centered States: Rethinking State Theory Through an Andean Lens -- Chapter 2. The Idea of the State in Colombia: An Analysis from the Periphery -- Chapter 3. Respatializing the State from the Margins: Reflections on the Camba Autonomy Movement in Santa Cruz, Bolivia -- Chapter 4. State Formation and Class Politics in Colombia -- Chapter 5. Cadastral Politics: Property Wars and State Realism in Highland Ecuador -- Chapter 6. New Arenas of State Action in Highland Ecuador: Public Health and State Formation, c. 1925–1950 -- Chapter 7. The State and Indigenous Women in Ecuador, 1925–1975 -- Chapter 8. Haunting the Modern Andean State: Colonial Legacies of Race and Civilization -- Chapter 9. Appearances to the Contrary: Fantasy, Fear, and Displacement in Twentieth-Century Peruvian State Formation -- Chapter 10. Notes on the Formation of the Andean Colonial State -- Chapter 11. The Aspirational State: State Effects in Putumayo -- Chapter 12. Off-Centered States: An Appreciation -- Chapter 13. Viewing States from the Global South -- Notes -- Bibliography -- List of Contributors -- Index -- Acknowledgments

Introduction --Part I.The struggle for independence and birth of a nation --Colonialism, racism, and modernity --Foreigners and nation building --Race and the nation-building project --Part II.The socialist experiment --African socialism : the challenges of nation building --Socialism, self-reliance, and foreigners --Nationalism, state socialism, and the politics of race --Part III.Neoliberalism, global capitalism, and the nation-state --Neoliberalism and the transition from state socialism to capitalism --Neoliberalism, foreigners, and globalization --Neoliberalism, race, and the global economy --Conclusion : race, nation, and citizenship in historical and comparative perspective.

Machine generated contents note: Introduction i -- A Difficult Mission 2 -- Armenia in 1993 5 -- The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict 8 -- The Never-Ending Preparations 13 -- Greek-Armenian Relations Develop as the Embassy Opens 6 -- The Agony of Armenia -- Relations between Armenia and Turkey in 1993 25 -- Developing Bilateral Relations - Armenia's Strategy on Nagorno-Karabakh 29 -- Nagorno-Karabakh Forces Take Over Aghdam 34 -- Relations between Armenia and the European Union 38 -- Interlude: The Genocide Memorial, the Monument to the Battle of Sardarabad, Garni, and the Geghart Monastery 44 -- Return to the Present: United States Views on the Situation in the Region, Humanitarian Assistance Arrives from Greece, Tension -- Increases between Armenia and Azerbaijan -- The Greeks of Armenia 54 -- Greek-Armenian Relations Consolidate as the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Spreads to Fizuli 59 -- Moscow-Athens 69 -- The Moscow Events of October I993 and their Potential Implications for Armenia 76 -- International Efforts to Solve the Karabagh Conflict Continue 78 -- Ejmiadzin: The Seat of the Armenian Catholicosate 87 -- Ani-Gyumri-Yaghdan 90 -- The Deteriorating Situation in Georgia and its Implications for Armenia 92 -- No Progress in International Efforts to Resolve the Karabagh Conflict 96 -- Interlude 98 -- Athens: New Team in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs 100 -- The Cease-fire Collapses as the Nagorno-Karabakh Forces Occupy Southeastern Azerbaijan 102 -- Adventure in the Caucasus 104 -- Business as Usual 109 -- Artistic Interlude 111 -- Winter Arrives as Work Continues 113 -- Armenia Adopts a National Currency amidst a Deteriorating Economic Situation 115 -- Developments in the Karabagh Issue - The Kazimirov Incident 118 -- Winter Interlude - Athens - Perilous Return to Yerevan 126 -- Azerbaijan Launches its Winter Offensive against Nagorno-Karabakh 131 -- A Frustrating Interlude 136 -- The Military Conflict Continues Unabated as International Efforts to Impose a Cease-fire Fail - Visit to the Northeast Frontier of Armenia 137 -- The Kurds of Armenia 144 -- Operation "Flame of Hope" 148 -- The Nuclear Power Plant at Metzamor 115 -- Russia's Peace Initiative Collapses - Baku's Winter Offensive Peters Out- Direct Contacts between Armenia and Turkey 154 -- Last Interlude 160 -- Armenia Farewell 162 -- Index 167

International audience ; The study of Sindhi nationalism has remained overdetermined by the question of the allegiance of Sindhis to the Pakistani state. The movement has not been examined for itself but only from the vantage point of its success or failure. As a result, it has mainly received attention when sudden outbursts of violence seemed to threaten the stability of the state. However, few have attempted to examine what connects disparate events of ethnic violence and opposition to the central state with a broader understanding of what being Sindhi entails. Rather than address questions of failure or success, this article shows that the construction of a nationalist "idea of Sindh" has been a continuous process throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. It also illustrates how an aspirational middle-class played a central role in this process. The article focuses on how three generations of Muslim men, who shared similar trajectories yet have unique social characteristics and repertoires of contention, constructed, reinforced, and disseminated the Sindhi nationalist discourse. This process translated into institution-building in the cultural sphere and contributed to the political outlook of a large section of Sindhi politicians on the left of the spectrum.