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Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a

The end of the Cold War opened a Pandora's box of regionalism and separatism across Europe, and today they once again pose a significant threat to the territorial and political integrity of the traditional nation-states. Yet, the existence of various subnational groups is inevitable in democratic states. The scope of separatism and regionalism in Europe is quite wide. It includes de facto states, such as Kosovo, Transnistria, and North Cyprus; strong separatist movements aimed at achieving independence, like Catalonia, Basque Country, Scotland, Flanders, and Faroe Islands; strong movements aimed at achieving a more regional autonomy, for example, Lombardy and Veneto; and weaker regional movements, which could potentially escalate in the future, such as Transylvania in Romania or Vojvodina in Serbia. This edited volume tackles all the above-mentioned regional moments and even includes Greenland as a bonus. It brings together seventeen prominent scholars from a wide range of European and North American academic institutions who compiled ten chapters to shed light on the revival of regionalism and separatism via a thorough evaluation and analysis of some of the most important current separatist and regionalist/autonomist movements across modern Europe.

AbstractAccording to Islamic Financial Service Board (IFSB), Sukuk are certificates that represent the holders' proportionate ownership in an undivided part of underlying asset where the holder assumes all right and obligations to such asset. The emergence of Sukuk in Islamic capital markets is a significant development that provides alternative funding avenue for corporate entities, government and financial institutions. Despite the tremendous growth of Sukuk finance globally, the phenomenon is relatively new in Nigeria, though the regulator, Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has issued guidelines for the operation and placing of Sukuk in the country, apart from Osun State Government that has listed its Sukuk and the recent FGN Sukuk issuance, evidence shows that, none within the corporate and financial bodies had listed any Sukuk in Nigeria. It is against this backdrop that this paper aims at assessing the role of Sukuk financing in nation building with special reference to the recent Sukuk issuance by the Federal Government for the rehabilitation of Federal roads across the six geo-political zones of the Country. The researchers adopted analytical and descriptive approaches in this study. The main findings of the paper have shown that despite the novelty of Sukuk finance to Nigerian context, it has incalculable impact on nation building. It also revealed that Ṣukūk have many economic benefits and potentialities to Nigerian economy in terms of economic growth, financial inclusion, diversification, Liquidity Control and infrastructural financing, among others.

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1869-1948), popularly addressed as Mahatma strove hard to blur out the dialectics of the 'personal' (private) and the 'political' (public). Tridip Suhrud in Rediscovering Gandhi has argued that a divide between the 'political' and the 'spiritual' has been the hallmark of the entire academic scrutiny on Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. However, the 'personal' and the 'political' nuances of Gandhi have not been acknowledged within the Bombay Filmdom until the late 1990s. Gandhi was accorded a saintly status after independence and it became a formidable task to animate him on to the celluloid screen. Contrary to this, there has been an instantaneous enticement towards Gandhi in the 'multiplex era' which simultaneously coincides with the leadership of United Progressive Alliance and its endorsement of 'Bharat-Nirman' agenda. This paper will attempt to examine the ideologies behind the recent hype on Gandhi both as a 'subject' and 'pedagogue' in Bombay Cinema, and the possible nexus between mainstream politics and the cinematic imagination. More specifically, by carrying out a socio-political study of a set of select films, this paper would assert that an attempt has been made through the celluloid to aestheticize Gandhi which not only obliterate the ground realities of the Indian socio-democratic structure, rather more significantly do a disservice to Gandhi himself who was in favor of maintaining a 'dialogical' attitude towards the 'self' as well as with the 'others'.

The relationship between religion and nationalism is explored in this paper which takes Vinayak Damodar Savarkar as its core focus of analysis. Given the incomplete process of nation-building in the case of India and the intrinsic challenge of how to cultivate a nationalism when the sense of a nation and nationality is lacking, Nandy discusses Savarkar's idea of Hindutva and the use of religion as a vehicle of nation-building. This, despite Savarkar's being a non-believer. Nandy explores parallels with Muhammad Ali Jinnah, whose project of nation and state-building is also seen in terms of political categories that were drawn from the Western experience and ideal of the Westphalian state. Exploring the love-hate relationship with Savarkar that is prevalent in contemporary India, Nandy probes the concerted attempt to demonise Savarkar and asks whether this is yet another means by which a young nation seeks to exorcise its past?

In the modern history of the mankind, no type of sports has gained as a widespread popularity as football, or soccer, including in politics. This paper examines the policy of President Sukarno on the Indonesian football and the discourse of nation building during the 1950s. Sukarno was aware of the potentials of football and made it accordingly an inspiring source to bolster the Indonesian nationalism. However, this paper argues, the nationalism that spread out of the football was temporary in nature and euphoria in kind that it vaporized along the decline of the national team's performances and achievements.

This paper argues nation-building theories that prioritize democratic governance best explain the successful postindependence development of Botswana. Three main competing schools of thought exist regarding the sequencing of policies that should occur to re-build weakened or failed states. The first posits that economic development should receive foremost attention, while democratization and a binding sense of nationalism can wait. A second group of experts identified constructing a sense of nationalism among a populace is necessary first, so that the state receives popular legitimacy and obedience that are prerequisites for development. Botswana, though, transitioned into a multi-party democracy and prosperous open economy due to the utilization of traditional democratic structures, enlightened and accountable leadership, and an educated technocratic civil service. With these political foundations already in place when the discovery of diamonds occurred, the resulting revenues were spent wisely on projects that grew the economy, improved basic living standards, and attracted foreign investment. Thus democratization preceded, and therefore provided an accountable basis for, economic development that might otherwise have been squandered by greedy and isolated elites to the detriment of the greater population. Botswana was one of the poorest nations in the world at the time of its independence in 1966, with little infrastructure, a dependence on apartheid South Africa for trade, and a largely subsistence economy. Over the next thirty years, though, its economy grew the fastest of any nation in the world. The transparent and judicious use of diamond returns is only a partial explanation, as the government also pursued economic diversification, mass education, and rural development in response to public needs. As nation-building has become a project undertaken by nations and multilateral agencies such as the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Botswana may provide best practices that others ...

This article gives an overview of the three main mutually exclusive ethnonational narratives developed during and after the war (1992–1995) in Bosnia and Herzegovina through one of the main instruments of memory politics, i.e., monuments, which have been erected in large numbers in the last two decades. Through the analysis of symbols, shapes and inscriptions, the aim is to show how war monuments in Bosnia and Herzegovina serve as instruments of nation-building processes, i.e., strategies of identity consolidation and how they function as "containers of symbolism". Unlike in the other Yugoslav successor states, in Bosnia and Herzegovina there is more than one nation-building project, with two being related to the "outside motherlands", Serbia and Croatia, and one to the state. After a general overview of the memorialization process in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its political and legal frameworks, the author focuses on war monuments and narratives of the three ethno-national groups and gives some examples of monuments that represent the fourth, civic, or "unconstituent" narrative, which is very rare and marginal.

The virus of ethnicity has been one of the most definitive causes of social crisis, injustice, inequality and religio-political instability in Nigeria. Ethnicity has been perceived in general as a major obstacle to the overall politico–economic development of the country. Nigeria is marked by underlying ethnic cleavages and inter-ethnic fears and tensions, hence a bellicose nation. These are revealed from time to time by conflicting lobbies at the moments of competition for shares of the national cake and political appointments to high offices, resource control, head of political parties and ministerial positions. Losers in competitions for high national offices often attribute their failures to ethnicity or ethnic marginalization, while winners hardly ever explained their success in terms of the influence of ethnicity, and are therefore not gallant losers or magnanimous in victory. The Nation's incessant appeals to ethnicity have obviously showcased the evils inherent in the politicization of ethnicity. Consequently, the ensuing complications of ethnicity have grossly impinged on the development of the country in all ramifications. The paper, a historio-political venture, argues that the path was colonially charted though; the Nigerian political elite have in complicity exacerbated ethnicity in the country. As Nigeria warms to its centennial amalgamation birthday, the Nigerian political history is summable as a squandered century of nationhood, a nation-building in close call, extremely in dire need of operational reappraisals.

After the collapse of three socialist federations in Eastern Europe, the expression 'nation-building' returned to the heart of academic debates. Like other former socialist republics, Ukraine has started its nationbuilding project trying to balance between a limitation of centrifugal forces and the 'nationalisation' (Brubaker 1994) of the state. This article examines the main features of language policies within the Ukrainian nation-building project and adopts a dual approach. It fi rst surveys the political will that has been incarnated in language policies since 1991, and how national identity has been aff ected by those policies. However, it counterpoises this approach with an analysis of bottom actors and their attitude towards language policies. The framework constructed is intended to question the idea that nation-building is mainly an elite driven process and to suggest that common people can participate in a political project by renegotiating its features at the local level.

Our government's interventions in foreign societies are plagued by unintended consequences, whether we are aiming for strategic advantage, conflict resolution, or economic development. Such consequences range from the trivial to the catastrophic; they can be significant enough to defeat the original purposes of the intervention. Since we cannot usually see them coming, our ability to cope with them is limited largely to damage control. The problem is global. The noise level caused by cross-cultural confusion is rising rapidly almost everywhere, as technology and crowding force formerly isolated cultures into increasingly close proximity. It may be time to establish a new category of scientific inquiry specifically for this problem. This newly identified discipline could provide a focus for current efforts by anthropologists, historians, behavioral psychologists, evolutionists, and others, including diplomats and aid bureaucracies (both public and private), to cooperate in constructing a conceptual framework that would help us understand how cultures respond when they impinge on each other, and help us foresee the consequences.

The Army goes to great lengths to capture lessons learned and preserve these lessons for current practitioners and future generations. Though the Army is one of the most self-critical organizations found in American society, a well-deserved reputation has also been earned for failing to inculcate those lessons by transforming the institutional Army. Change is achieved through a continuous cycle of adaptive innovation, experimentation, and experience. In Iraq, out of necessity while in contact with a dynamic enemy, the Army transformed on the battlefield with radical changes in doctrine, organization, training, and materiel, which significantly enabled battlefield success. As a result of the withdrawal of troops from Iraq at the end of 2011, this paper analyzes the success of the military's counterinsurgency strategy and nation-building efforts, examines the future of combat which the Army may face in order to recommend a suitable force posture, and makes recommendations for future competencies and capabilities utilizing the problem-solving construct of DOTMLPF in order to ensure future victories in this relevant component of the full spectrum of conflict. ; "November 2012." ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 54-75). ; Army adaptation -- The four schools of thought on posturing the future force -- The turning point in Iraq -- The instruments of national power -- DOTMLPF recommendations -- Conclusion. ; The Army goes to great lengths to capture lessons learned and preserve these lessons for current practitioners and future generations. Though the Army is one of the most self-critical organizations found in American society, a well-deserved reputation has also been earned for failing to inculcate those lessons by transforming the institutional Army. Change is achieved through a continuous cycle of adaptive innovation, experimentation, and experience. In Iraq, out of necessity while in contact with a dynamic enemy, the Army transformed on the battlefield with radical changes in doctrine, organization, training, and materiel, which significantly enabled battlefield success. As a result of the withdrawal of troops from Iraq at the end of 2011, this paper analyzes the success of the military's counterinsurgency strategy and nation-building efforts, examines the future of combat which the Army may face in order to recommend a suitable force posture, and makes recommendations for future competencies and capabilities utilizing the problem-solving construct of DOTMLPF in order to ensure future victories in this relevant component of the full spectrum of conflict. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Singapore has few natural resources but, in a relatively short history, its economic and social development and transformation are nothing short of remarkable. Today Singapore is by far the most successful exemplar of material development in Southeast Asia and it often finds itself the envy of developed countries. Furthermore over the last three or four decades the ruling party has presided over the formation of a thriving community of Singaporeans who love and are proud of their country. Nothing about these processes has been 'natural' in any sense of the word. Much of the country's investment in nation-building has in fact gone into the selection, training and formation of a ruling and administrative elite that reflects and will perpetuate its vision of the nation. The government ownership of the nation-building project, its micromanagement of everyday life and the role played by the elite are three fundamental elements in this complex and continuing process of construction of a natrion. The intense triangulation of these elements and the pace of change they produce make Singapore one of the most intriguing specimens of nation-building in the region. In this critical study of the politics of ethnicity and elitism in Singapore, Barr and Skrbiš look inside the supposedly 'meritocratic' system, from nursery school to university and beyond, that produces Singapore's political and administrative elite. Focusing on two processes - elite formation and elite selection - they give primary attention to the role that etho-racial ascription plays in these processes but also consider the input of personal connections, personal power, class and gender. The result is a study revealing much about how Singapore's elite-led nation-building project has reached its current state whereby a Singaporean version of Chinese ethno-nationalism has overwhelmed the discourse on national and Singaporean identity.

Shipping list no.: 2006-0171-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Although the geographical, technological and economic aspects of the South African nation have a reasonably stable basis, the socio-cultural aspect is not only contested, but has since 1994 led to new movements and public debates regarding the recognition of the position of some categories/minorities and their rights in the newly-created democratic dispensation. It would not be correct to assume that all these 'new' movements and voices are of a centrifugal nature and therefore indicative of potentially separatist tendencies. Whereas most of the evolution and history of 'Afrikaans' stemmed from its proponents' opposition to the imposition of English and its imperialist backing, the current debate is about Afrikaans being displaced and relegated to a lowly position by an Englishspeaking black-majority government. Surveying the nature and context of this public debate on the 'position of Afrikaans' will broaden the understanding of contemporary 'nation building' in South Africa. Again, social scientists could endeavour to comprehend culture 'in the making' as created by some of the 'imaginative' Afrikaans-speaking participants and the implications of this discourse for nation building and competition.