How did South Sudan become one of the most striking examples of state-building failure and state collapse after years of international support? What went wrong in the state-building enterprise? How did external intervention overlap and intertwine with local processes of accumulation of power and of state formation? This book addresses these questions analysing the intersection between international and local actors and processes. Based on original ethnographic and archival data, it provides a unique account of how state-building resources were captured and manipulated by local actors at various levels, contributing to the deepening of ethnic fragmentation and the politicization of ethnicity.
ORIGINS: THE SOUTHERN SUDAN AS PEOPLE, POLITY AND 'PROBLEM' (C. 1821-1983) -- Conquest and Colonisation -- Independence and Rebellion -- THE WAR CONTINUES: THE FIGHT FOR NATION AND STATE (1983-2002) -- War and New Leadership -- Inner Turmoil -- INDEPENDENCE AND CIVIL WAR: BUILDING A STATE, FORGETTING A NATION (2002-2015) -- Negotiating and Implementing Peace -- Freedom, Fragility and Fragmentation -- CONCLUSION.
Der Verfasser stellt die Frage nach der Existenz eines russischen Nationalstaats in Bezug auf unterschiedliche Epochen der russischen Geschichte. Für das Zarenreich sieht er die Trennung zwischen gosudarstvo und zemlia, zwischen Staat und Gemeinschaft, und das Fehlen intermediärer Institutionen und Strukturen als ausschlaggebend dafür an, daß von einer russischen Nation weder im staatsbürgerlichen nach im ethnischen Sinne gesprochen werden kann. Die Sowjetunion befand sich nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg auf dem Weg zu einem großen Nationalstaat, aber auch hier fehlte es an intermediären Strukturen, die der neuen interethnischen Solidarität Ausdruck hätten geben können. Für die durchsetzungsfähigste Definition der russischen Nation im postkommunistischen Rußland hält der Verfasser die Bestimmung der russischen Nation als Gesamtheit der Staatsbürger der Russischen Föderation. Gebildete Russen definieren ihre Nation primär über Sprache und Kultur. Hierin sieht der Verfasser einen positiven Ansatz, verglichen etwa mit dem militaristischen Nationalismus der Serben. (BIOst-Wpt)
We consider a Gellnerian model to study the transformation of a two-region state into a nation state. Industrialization requires the elites to finance schooling. The implementation of statewide education generates a common national identity, which enables cross-regional production, while regional education does not. We show that statewide education is chosen when cross-regional production opportunities and productivity are high, especially when the same elite holds power at both geographical levels. By contrast, a dominant regional elite might prefer regional schooling, even at the loss of large cross-regional production opportunities if it is statewide dominated. The model is consistent with evidence for five European countries in 1860–1920. ; This work was supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, through the Severo Ochoa Programme for Centres of Excellence in R&D (grant number SEV-2015-0563), CICYT (grant number ECO2012- 37065), and the government of Catalonia ; Peer reviewed
This work is described about the India role in the nation building of Afghanistan for peace initiative. Indian government how control terrorism through nation building approach. This work has cover almost all such initiative made by the India towards Afghanistan to resolve dispute and enhance relationship between two countries.
We model a two-region country where value is created through bilateral production between masses and elites (bourgeois and landowners). Industrialization requires the elites to finance schools and the masses to attend them. Schooling raises productivity, particularly for matches between masses and bourgeois. At the same time, only country-wide education (unified schoolingî) renders the masses mobile across regions. Alternatively, schools can be implemented in one region alone (regional education) or the regionally dominant group can choose to implement schooling in its own region but refuse to share the costs/proceeds within the wider country-level group (secession). We show that schools are more likely to be set-up when the bourgeoisie dominates, but that this is not necesarily socially e¢ cient. Unified schooling is always chosen if the identity of the dominant elite at the regional and country level is the same and/or the industrialization shock is sufficiently high. If instead the bourgeoisie is dominant in one region and landowners are dominant countrywise, the bourgeoisie of that region may promote the secession of the region, and this can be socially e¢ cient. The model is shown to be consistent with evidence for 19th century France and Spain. ; Hauk acknowledges Önancial support from the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, through the Severo Ochoa Programme for Centres of Excellence in R&D (SEV-2011-0075) and through CICYT project number ECO2012-37065 and from the government of Catalonia ; Peer reviewed
Paper presented at the Strathmore University Annual Ethics Conference 2011 ; One of the key reforms of the constitution is the establishment of devolution through the country's government. It is in the current constitution and will only come into effect after the next general elections, when the county assemblies and governors will be elected. (Ghai, Y& Ghai, J,) In this paper we have talked about devolution and related it to the dignity of the human person. First we have given a definition for devolution as per the Kenyan context. Secondly, we will look at how the United Kingdom has being impacted since devolution was enforced. Thirdly, we looked at three aspects of devolution; objects and principles of a devolved government, financial aspect of devolution and the gender aspect of devolution. We came to the basis of these aspects by looking at how the common "mwananchi" will be affected by them. Lastly, we have given a summary of the responses we got from conducting an interview. We interviewed our fellow students and lecturer's on their thoughts about devolution being implemented in Kenya. This includes the positive and negative effects of devolution and whether the country can afford this form of government.
This article pursues two aims. On the empirical level, it challenges the view of Belarus as a 'denationalised', or 'failed' nation, and exposes the country as an area of intensive nation-building. The article demonstrates that, unlike most post-communist states, two versions of national identity have been advanced in Belarus since 1989, with divergent results for their proponents. On the theoretical level, such an atypical experience places qualifications on the instrumentalist approach, that regards nation-building as a political tool. The analysis of identity creation in Belarus suggests that nation-building as a political strategy may be limited by the existing attitudes in the society in question, the socio-economic structures, as well as by the influence of foreign actors. (Nations and Nationalism,ECMI)
Der Verfasser setzt sich zunächst auf theoretischer Ebene mit unterschiedlichen Konzeptionen von Nation, Nationalismus und nationaler Minderheit auseinander. Vor diesem Hintergrund schlägt er einen Ansatz vor, der die Sprache und Sprachenpolitik in den Mittelpunkt der Analyse rückt. Die Tragfähigkeit dieses Ansatzes wird anhand einer Reihe von Beispielen überprüft, bei denen es um die Aufwertung des Status' einer Sprache in einer Gesellschaft geht. Dabei werden Tendenzen einer sprachlichen Diversifizierung in den im wesentlichen unilingual geprägten Gesellschaften Nordamerikas (USA, Kanada) Entwicklungen in den Nachfolgestaaten der UdSSR gegenübergestellt, die umgekehrt von der Mehrsprachigkeit in Richtung auf eine einzige, einheitliche Staatssprache hin verlaufen. In einer politischen Diskussion seiner Untersuchungsergebnisse weist der Verfasser darauf hin, daß sowohl eine unilingual orientierte Sprachenpolitik als auch der Schutz von Minderheitensprachen akzeptable kulturpolitische Optionen sein können. (BIOst-Wpt)
Building effective state institutions before introducing democracy is widely presumed to improve different development outcomes. Conversely, proponents of this "stateness-first" argument anticipate that democratization before state building yields poor development outcomes. In this Element, we discuss several strong assumptions that (different versions of) this argument rests upon and critically evaluate the existing evidence base. In extension, we specify various observable implications. We then subject the stateness-first argument to multiple tests, focusing on economic growth as an outcome. First, we conduct historical case studies of two countries with different institutional sequencing histories, Denmark and Greece, and assess the stateness-first argument (e.g., by using a synthetic control approach). Thereafter, we draw on an extensive global sample of about 180 countries, measured across 1789-2019 and leverage panel regressions, preparametric matching, and sequence analysis to test a number of observable implications. Overall, we find little evidence to support the stateness-first argument.
AbstractAccording to Islamic Financial Service Board (IFSB), Sukuk are certificates that represent the holders' proportionate ownership in an undivided part of underlying asset where the holder assumes all right and obligations to such asset. The emergence of Sukuk in Islamic capital markets is a significant development that provides alternative funding avenue for corporate entities, government and financial institutions. Despite the tremendous growth of Sukuk finance globally, the phenomenon is relatively new in Nigeria, though the regulator, Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has issued guidelines for the operation and placing of Sukuk in the country, apart from Osun State Government that has listed its Sukuk and the recent FGN Sukuk issuance, evidence shows that, none within the corporate and financial bodies had listed any Sukuk in Nigeria. It is against this backdrop that this paper aims at assessing the role of Sukuk financing in nation building with special reference to the recent Sukuk issuance by the Federal Government for the rehabilitation of Federal roads across the six geo-political zones of the Country. The researchers adopted analytical and descriptive approaches in this study. The main findings of the paper have shown that despite the novelty of Sukuk finance to Nigerian context, it has incalculable impact on nation building. It also revealed that Ṣukūk have many economic benefits and potentialities to Nigerian economy in terms of economic growth, financial inclusion, diversification, Liquidity Control and infrastructural financing, among others.
Given that religion can contribute to the unity and integration of societies as well as to the reinforcement of division within societies, the role of Christianity in the process of nation building in West-Africa is studied. The article describes salient aspects of the relations between the missionaries and the political administrations and European traders, the cultural and political aims of the missionaries and the role of the Independent Churches and societies. It is concluded that the Christian Churches contributed in various ways to the processes of nation-building and nationalism in West-Africa. This section is followed with an account of the relations between the various church formations and the state in West-Africa. The whole article is concluded with some reflection on contemporary tendencies towards measuring the value of a religion in terms of the contribution it can make to national development and movement in the direction of civil religion.