In the article there was shown the issue of the power division and balance, which is regulated by the Republic of Poland Constitution. The rule of power division appears in the shaped constitutional state organs. There are different practical solutions connected with the realization of the power division and the agreement between the rules and their effects is described as the rule system. The real meaning of the tree division power rule accomplishes by the description the relations of the model between the legislature and executive. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland regards the division and balance rule of the legislature, executive and judiciary as the base of the Polish political system and expresses it directly in the content of the art.10 of the Constitution. The base of the democratic law state is the rule of the power division. The most important is the Constitution of the state and international treaties which regulate the human and civil rights.
This article presents a critical analysis of insurance fraud with a legal comparative perspective. In the author's opinion, it is beyond doubt that the Polish solution needs change. Nonetheless, the scope of this change may vary. A look at this type of prohibited act regulated in foreign legal systems may be helpful in formulating conclusions for the Polish law as it stands and proposals for the law as it should stand. Considering the above, part one of this article focuses on the legal-dogmatic analysis of the crime under Article 298 § 1 of the Polish Penal Code, and its counterparts in the subsidiary model (i.e., in Germany, Austria and Finland). A detailed study precedes the process of modelling the liability for the commission of an insurance fraud, taking into account the specificity of economic crime and the various approaches taken by European legislatures, while preliminary conclusions resulting from the analyses carried out have been formulated in the summary. However, it should be pointed out at this point that the presentation of the final conclusions will take place after the discussion regarding the independent model, which will be presented in part two of the article. ; Niniejszy artykuł zawiera krytyczną analizę oszustwa ubezpieczeniowego przy wykorzystaniu ujęcia komparatystycznego. W ocenie autora nie ulega wątpliwości, że polskie rozwiązanie wymaga zmian. Różny może być jednak ich zakres. Pomocna w formułowaniu wniosków de lege lata oraz postulatów de lege ferenda może być optyka na ten typ czynu zabronionego w obcych porządkach prawnych. W związku z powyższym w części pierwszej skupiono się na analizie dogmatycznej przestępstwa z art. 298 § 1 Kodeksu karnego oraz na jego odpowiednikach w subsydiarnym modelu w Niemczech, Austrii i Finlandii. Szczegółowy wywód poprzedza proces modelowania odpowiedzialności za realizację oszustwa asekuracyjnego, uwzględniający specyfikę przestępczości gospodarczej oraz różnorodne podejścia ustawodawców europejskich. W podsumowaniu pokuszono się o sformułowanie wstępnych wniosków, wynikających z przeprowadzonych analiz. W tym miejscu należy podkreślić, że finalne konkluzje zostaną zamieszczone w drugiej części opracowania, po uwzględnieniu rozważań dotyczących modelu samoistnego.
One of the aspects of the principle of separation of powers in the state is control of the executive by the legislature. As regards the Polish lands in the early nineteenth century, we can speak about Polish parliamentarism only in the Duchy of Warsaw, the Kingdom of Poland and the Republic of Cracow. Although these states did not recognize the principle of parliamentary accountability, their parliaments voiced criticism of the authorities and there occurred the problem of controlling the executive. Parliament of the Duchy of Warsaw tried to usurp this right itself. Parliament of the Kingdom of Poland claimed the right to charge a civil officer of the government with crimes committed while in office. In that state the ability to control emerged during the November Uprising. In the Republic of Cracow all attempts at obtaining the right of control encountered the objection on the part of three supervising neighbours (Russia, Prussia, and Austria). ; One of the aspects of the principle of separation of powers in the state is control of the executive by the legislature. As regards the Polish lands in the early nineteenth century, we can speak about Polish parliamentarism only in the Duchy of Warsaw, the Kingdom of Poland and the Republic of Cracow. Although these states did not recognize the principle of parliamentary accountability, their parliaments voiced criticism of the authorities and there occurred the problem of controlling the executive. Parliament of the Duchy of Warsaw tried to usurp this right itself. Parliament of the Kingdom of Poland claimed the right to charge a civil officer of the government with crimes committed while in office. In that state the ability to control emerged during the November Uprising. In the Republic of Cracow all attempts at obtaining the right of control encountered the objection on the part of three supervising neighbours (Russia, Prussia, and Austria).
The need to keep the expected level of production in agriculture generates a serious burden on the environment. The most important environmental factors exposed to the impact of agriculture include biodiversity and water, air, and soil quality. Assessments of all these environmental aspects related to agricultural production are negative. The condition of the agricultural environment has been subject to rapid deterioration. In such a situation, environmental instruments have drawn particular attention from the European legislature when developing new guidelines of the Common Agricultural Policy to be applicable after 2020. ; Utrzymanie oczekiwanego poziomu produkcyjności w rolnictwie generuje poważne obciążenie dla środowiska naturalnego. Do najważniejszych czynników środowiskowych narażonych na oddziaływanie rolnictwa zalicza się różnorodność biologiczną, ilość i jakość wody, powietrza oraz gleby. Oceny wszystkich wskazanych aspektów środowiskowych towarzyszących produkcji rolnej wypadają negatywnie. Stan środowiska rolniczego ulega szybkiej degradacji. W takiej sytuacji instrumenty ochrony środowiska doczekały się szczególnej uwagi prawodawcy europejskiego tworzącego nowe programowe założenia Wspólnej Polityki Rolnej obowiązującej po roku 2020.
This article is a comparative analysis of the legal nature and the rights and obligations of parties concluding property insurance contracts under the provisions of the Maritime Code and the Civil Code. When navigating a ship, the shipowner conducts a business commonly referred to as the operation of a ship, which includes, inter alia, its use for business purposes. The shipowner business is therefore an economic activity and the owner is the entrepreneur who runs his business which s/he is liable for. It is his/her broad interest to insure permanent assets of his/her company against damage as well as his/her civil liability. As the text indicates, s/he is treated by the legislature more severely than a person conducting a standard property insurance. In addition, the legal nature of the policy, due to the requirements of maritime traffic, differs from that from the Civil Code. The purpose of this study is to identify the key differences between the two regulations.
The Polish conception of the local government entails the empowerment of local communities. While this empowerment is usually understood only in terms of legal personality, it is crucial for the unimpeded operation of the local government, even in this extremely narrow understanding of subjectivity, that there exist open channels of communication between the representatives of the local authorities and civil servants and the local communities. Regrettably, the communication duties of the local governments have been codified by the legislature in a rather narrow way, and most of them can be only implicitly derived from the tasks of particular institutions and contemporary requirements for the development of a civil society and democracy as such. The article, then, constitutes an attempt at pinpointing the sources of communication responsibilities of local government bodies, from which derive particular tasks which need to be addressed by the communication policies of particular institutions. Moreover, the article briefly characterizes the state of contemporary local communications in Poland as well as provides advice for further development of local authorities in that regard.
Present article concerns the provisions about the security and order during the election of the king in Both Nations Commonwealth, which were designed to ensure the safe and lawful carrying out election conventions. The purpose of these provisions was guaranteeing: proper organization of the meeting of Legislature (known as The Circle of Knights), correct adoption of foreign envoys and lawful conduct of monarch election. These regulations were prepared to fi ght with the criminal off ences and assurance the legal instruments to cope with problems concerning with functioning security services, building infrastructural facilities and supplying food. The author points at heterogenic nature of provisions of the security and order during the election of the polish kings, which included both procedural as well as substantive rules. Furthermore, substantive rules were related not merely with the criminal provisions, but also the others, similar to present-day regulations, which secure the mass events. The author tries to present the process of preparation and implementation of the provisions about the security and order during the election of the polish kings as one of the main tasks in the process of organization of the election conventions.
Present article concerns the provisions about the security and order during the election of the king in Both Nations Commonwealth, which were designed to ensure the safe and lawful carrying out election conventions. The purpose of these provisions was guaranteeing: proper organization of the meeting of Legislature (known as The Circle of Knights), correct adoption of foreign envoys and lawful conduct of monarch election. These regulations were prepared to fi ght with the criminal off ences and assurance the legal instruments to cope with problems concerning with functioning security services, building infrastructural facilities and supplying food. The author points at heterogenic nature of provisions of the security and order during the election of the polish kings, which included both procedural as well as substantive rules. Furthermore, substantive rules were related not merely with the criminal provisions, but also the others, similar to present-day regulations, which secure the mass events. The author tries to present the process of preparation and implementation of the provisions about the security and order during the election of the polish kings as one of the main tasks in the process of organization of the election conventions.
Research Objective: The article is to present select aspects of changes in American party system and institutional environment that influenced 2016 election results and to analyze probable consequences of those results for further evolution of the said systems.Research Problem and Methods: The article focuses on causes of the party establishment's loss of control over the nominating process, long-term determinants of Donald Trump's general election victory and perspectives for reorientation of Republican Party line towards the "Jacksonian tradition."Process of Argumentation: Primary campaigns and their outcomes are analyzed in the light of scholarship findings on internal operating mechanisms of American political institutions (primarily legislatures and political parties). Causes of interparty shifts in electoral support are considered qualitatively on the basis of historical trends and examples. Potential consequences of Donald Trump's victory are analyzed against institutional rules (primarily legal norms) determining feasibility of his electoral platform.Research Results: A claim of causal relationship between institutional reforms directly or indirectly weakening traditional hierarchical relationships in American politics and loss of establishment control over primaries, which facilitated Donald Trump's nomination and led to weakening of Hillary Clinton's campaign, has been preliminarily substantiated. Stable patterns of electoral behaviors that partially explain Republican candidate's victory in general elections have been indicated.Conclusions and Recommendations: 2016 American presidential election results are a product of multiple factors and but-for causes. Not insubstantial among them, although receiving little recognition in the campaign commentary, were institutional conditions (such as weakening of party leadership) and stable patterns of electoral behavior (favorable view of political outsiders and inclination towards alternation in power). ; Cel naukowy: Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wybranych aspektów zmian amerykańskiego systemu partyjnego i instytucjonalnego, jakie wpłynęły na wynik wyborów 2016 r., oraz przeanalizowanie, jakich konsekwencji tego wyniku należy oczekiwać dla dalszej ewolucji wspomnianych systemów.Problem i metody badawcze: Artykuł koncentruje się na przyczynach utraty kontroli establishmentu partyjnego nad procesem prawyborów, długoterminowych uwarunkowaniach zwycięstwa Donalda Trumpa w wyborach powszechnych oraz perspektywach reorientacji programowej Partii Republikańskiej w kierunku tzw. tradycji jacksonowskiej.Proces wywodu: Przebieg i wyniki prawyborów w obydwu partiach analizowane są w świetle ustaleń literatury dotyczących mechanizmu funkcjonowania amerykańskich instytucji politycznych (w szczególności legislatur i partii politycznych). Z kolei przyczyny przesunięć poparcia wyborczego między partiami rozpatrywane są w ujęciu jakościowym na podstawie przykładów i trendów historycznych. Wreszcie potencjalne konsekwencje zwycięstwa D. Trumpa analizowane są w odniesieniu do reguł instytucjonalnych (przede wszystkich prawnych) determinujących możliwości realizacji programu prezydenckiego.Wyniki analizy naukowej: Uprawdopodobniono tezę o istnieniu związku przyczynowego między reformami instytucjonalnymi bezpośrednio lub pośrednio osłabiającymi tradycyjne mechanizmy hierarchiczne w polityce amerykańskiej a utratą kontroli nad procesem nominacyjnym przez establishmenty partyjne, która umożliwiła zwycięstwo D. Trumpa i osłabiła H. Clinton. Wskazano na stabilne historyczne wzorce zachowań wyborczych, częściowo wyjaśniające zwycięstwo kandydata republikanów w wyborach powszechnych.Wnioski, innowacje, rekomendacje: Wynik wyborów prezydenckich w USA w 2016 r. był rezultatem splotu wielu czynników. Nie bez znaczenia były również niedostrzegane w bieżących komentarzach uwarunkowania instytucjonalne (jak osłabienie kierownictwa partyjnego) oraz stabilne wzorce zachowań amerykańskiego elektoratu (przewaga "outsiderów" – kandydatów spoza polityki federalnej czy inklinacja ku alternacji władzy).
The paper aims to present the legal tools used by the Austrian legislature to exert control over the federal government and its members, particularly the role of the commission of inquiry and its position in the system. The assumed research hypothesis is that the scope and efficiency of legislative oversight of the executive in Austria have increased due to the strengthened position of the parliamentary minority. The key factor was the 2014 Constitutional Amendment allowing the opposition to propose issuing a commission of inquiry at the National Council. The paper consists of four parts. First, it describes the instruments of political control the Austrian parliament has at its disposal. Next, it analyses the application of the individual supervisory tools at the National Council in the years 2006–2021. The third part presents the procedure for issuing a commission of inquiry and its powers. The reflections are concluded by an analysis of the hitherto existing commissions of inquiry in the Second Republic in terms of their frequency, the scope of inquiry, proponents, and the duration and intensity of their work. The paper also seeks to answer the questions of the scrutiny potential of the National Council, the importance of commissions of inquiry in system practice in Austria and the possible political consequences of the changes to how the parliamentary commissions of inquiry are issued and how they function.
At the turn of November 2018, the next local elections were held in Poland. However, this time, along with the next term, a number of new legal arrangements and structures have been implemented as a result of the adoption of the Act of 11 January 2018 on amending certain laws to increase the participation of citizens in the process of electing, functioning and controlling certain public bodies. The legislature has set itself the objective of adopting solutions to enable and facilitate greater influence for members of local and regional communities, especially in legislative and executive bodies of local government units. Some of these changes affect the executive body in the municipality (local government commune), i.e. village mayor (town mayor or city president), affecting the change in its scope and powers. ; Na przełomie października i listopada 2018 r. odbyły się w Polsce kolejne wybory samorządowe, jednakże tym razem wraz z kolejną kadencją władz samorządowych doszło do wdrożenia wielu nowych rozwiązań i konstrukcji prawnych będących efektem uchwalenia w dniu 11 stycznia 2018 r. ustawy o zmianie niektórych ustaw w celu zwiększenia udziału obywateli w procesie wybierania, funkcjonowania i kontrolowania niektórych organów publicznych. Ustawodawca postawił sobie za cel przyjęcie rozwiązań, które mają umożliwić i ułatwić członkom wspólnot samorządowych większy wpływ na funkcjonowanie tych wspólnot, w szczególności organów stanowiących i wykonawczych w jednostkach samorządu terytorialnego. Niektóre z tych zmian dotykają organu wykonawczego w gminie samorządowej, czyli wójta (burmistrza, prezydenta miasta), wpływając na zmianę zakresu jego działania i kompetencji.
The article presents the parliamentary activity of Fr. Jan Czuj as a deputy to the Sejm of the Republic of Poland in the years 1922–1935 on behalf of the Polish Catholic-People's Party. The main goal of this paper is to show various forms of his activity in the parliament which was especially parliamentary speeches and signing of the legislative proposals and interpellations. The main topics of the Fr. Jan Czuj's interests during his career in the parliament are shown through the analysis of the parliamentary sources which are stenographic records, documents and interpellations. Also, his activity as a member of parliament is evaluated which leads to the conclusion that during the thirteen years of his presence in the lower house of the Polish legislature, he was not a very diligent deputy. ; W niniejszym artykule przedstawiono działalność parlamentarną ks. Jana Czuja jako posła na Sejm RP w latach 1922–1935 z ramienia Polskiego Stronnictwa Katolicko-Ludowego. Skupiono się głównie na omówieniu poszczególnych form jego aktywności na forum izby, przejawiającej się w przemówieniach sejmowych oraz składaniu podpisu pod wnioskami poselskimi i interpelacjami. Opierając się na analizie źródeł parlamentarnych w postaci sprawozdań stenograficznych z posiedzeń sejmu, druków sejmowych i tekstów interpelacji, przybliżono zakres tematów i zagadnień, wokół których ogniskowała się aktywność parlamentarna ks. J. Czuja. Oszacowano również skalę tej aktywności, co doprowadziło do konstatacji, że w trakcie swej trzynastoletniej obecności w parlamencie należał on raczej do grona posłów mało aktywnych.
The article addresses the notary's systemic position under the first Polish Law on Notaries of 27 October 1933. The analysis of the position of the notary carried out in part one of this article pointed to serious difficulties in the precise defining of this position, both among the scholars in the field and the judicature. To precisely define the systemic position of the notary, part two has provided an analysis of the provisions of the Law on Notaries regarding the professional self-government of notaries, supervision over notaries and their activities, disciplinary liability and compensatory liability of the notary, and the rules of preparation for the profession of notary. The analysis of the Law on Notaries of 1933 presented in the first and second part of this article, leads to the conclusion that the notary's position included in its legal position a combination of features of a public officer and a liberal profession. The legislature, using in Article 1 the term "public functionary", and not "state official", and giving notaries in Article 23 of the Law on Notaries the legal protection enjoyed by state officials, wanted to clearly emphasize the existing differences between them while at the same time underlining their close relationship to the state. The adoption of such a definition made it possible to grant notaries a wide range of powers. At the same time, it provided the basis to establish a professional self-government and entrust its bodies with significant powers in the area of disciplinary jurisdiction. The dualistic approach to the position of the notary was also reflected in the separate rules of training for the profession and in the special rules of notary's liability for damages. The state, by entrusting notaries with activities related to non-contentious judiciary, secured for itself an exclusive influence on the staffing of notary positions and covered the system of notaries by a strict supervision exercised by the Minister of Justice. The discussion presented in the article leads to a conclusion that the legislature approached the position of a notary in the Law on Notaries of 1933 in a special way, creating a combination of official and professional elements, which can be called a public function. In terms of the political and administrative system, regardless of the definition itself, the notary in practice performed the function of a person of public trust. ; Artykuł dotyczy problematyki pozycji ustrojowej notariusza na gruncie pierwszego polskiego Prawa o notariacie z dnia 27 października 1933 r. Dokonana w części pierwszej opracowania analiza pozycji ustrojowej notariusza wykazała istnienie poważnych trudności w precyzyjnym jej określeniu, zarówno wśród przedstawicieli doktryny, jak i judykatury. W celu precyzyjnego określenia pozycji ustrojowej notariusza w części drugiej przeprowadzono analizę postanowień Prawa o notariacie dotyczących samorządu zawodowego notariatu, nadzoru nad notariatem i notariuszami, odpowiedzialności dyscyplinarnej i odszkodowawczej notariusza oraz zasad przygotowania do zawodu notariusza. Przedstawiona w obu częściach artykułu analiza przepisów Prawa o notariacie z 1933 r. prowadzi do wniosku, że stanowisko notariusza zawierało w swoim położeniu prawnym połączenie cech urzędniczych i cech wolnego zawodu. Prawodawca, używając w art. 1 określenia "funkcjonariusz publiczny", a nie "funkcjonariusz państwowy", oraz nadając notariuszom w art. 23 Prawa o notariacie ochronę prawną przysługującą urzędnikom państwowym, chciał wyraźnie zaakcentować istniejące między nimi różnice, a zarazem podkreślić ich bliski związek z państwem. Przyjęcie takiej definicji umożliwiło przyznanie notariuszom szerokiego zakresu kompetencji. Jednocześnie stworzyło ono podstawy do powołania samorządu zawodowego oraz powierzenia jego organom istotnych uprawnień w zakresie sądownictwa dyscyplinarnego. Dualistyczne ujęcie stanowiska notariusza znalazło odzwierciedlenie również w odrębnych zasadach przygotowania do zawodu oraz w szczególnych zasadach odpowiedzialności odszkodowawczej notariusza. Powierzając notariuszom czynności należące do sądownictwa niespornego, państwo zapewniło sobie wyłączny wpływ na nadawanie posad notariuszom oraz poddało notariat ścisłemu nadzorowi Ministra Sprawiedliwości. Przedstawione w opracowaniu rozważania prowadzą do wniosku, że prawodawca ujął w Prawie o notariacie z 1933 r. stanowisko notariusza w sposób szczególny, stwarzając syntezę pierwiastków urzędniczego i wolno-zawodowego, którą można określić mianem funkcji publicznej. W zakresie ustrojowym, niezależnie od samej definicji, notariusz w praktyce pełnił funkcję osoby zaufania publicznego.
Proportionality is an intrinsic feature of parliamentary democracy. It is a principle stating that, depending on its size, each political party has a commensurate ability to influence legislature. This is confirmed by comparative studies which show that proportionality is a significant principle in the distribution of parliamentary posts in a majority of West European states. Consequently, even deputies from the smallest parties can chair commissions or lead sessions of the chambers, and by this token participate in the political decision-making process. This softens the domination of the majority party and – in line with Arend Lijphart's concept – generates consensual democracy, based on the search for broad compromises instead of simply outvoting the opponent. Given this picture, a question emerges whether the situation is similar in the representative institution of the European Union, i.e. the European Parliament. The paper answers this question positively. The standard of proportionality has strong roots in the European Parliament forming a fundamental principle expressed in terms of d'Hondt's formula applied to distribute posts among different political groups. This mainly concerns the division of the members of the Presidium and commission chairmen, who exercise the most important decisive functions. The implementation of the idea of appropriate representation may not be ideal, but divergences are rare, insignificant and usually they result from political bargaining that favors smaller fractions. The proportionality principle is also binding when distributing parliamentary posts inside political groups. There is a strong and positive correlation between the size of national delegations and the number of key posts they obtain in the Parliament – members of the Presidium, commission chairmen and coordinators. Only in the case of the latter is proportionality subjected to certain distortions, following from their key political importance. This, however, does not interfere with the general picture of symmetric participation of national groups in appointing parliamentary posts. In conclusion, the standard of proportionality allows all political groups to adequately participate in the work of the European Parliament, which deserves to be emphasized, the more so, as it is not formalized. ; Proportionality is an intrinsic feature of parliamentary democracy. It is a principle stating that, depending on its size, each political party has a commensurate ability to influence legislature. This is confirmed by comparative studies which show that proportionality is a significant principle in the distribution of parliamentary posts in a majority of West European states. Consequently, even deputies from the smallest parties can chair commissions or lead sessions of the chambers, and by this token participate in the political decision-making process. This softens the domination of the majority party and – in line with Arend Lijphart's concept – generates consensual democracy, based on the search for broad compromises instead of simply outvoting the opponent. Given this picture, a question emerges whether the situation is similar in the representative institution of the European Union, i.e. the European Parliament. The paper answers this question positively. The standard of proportionality has strong roots in the European Parliament forming a fundamental principle expressed in terms of d'Hondt's formula applied to distribute posts among different political groups. This mainly concerns the division of the members of the Presidium and commission chairmen, who exercise the most important decisive functions. The implementation of the idea of appropriate representation may not be ideal, but divergences are rare, insignificant and usually they result from political bargaining that favors smaller fractions. The proportionality principle is also binding when distributing parliamentary posts inside political groups. There is a strong and positive correlation between the size of national delegations and the number of key posts they obtain in the Parliament – members of the Presidium, commission chairmen and coordinators. Only in the case of the latter is proportionality subjected to certain distortions, following from their key political importance. This, however, does not interfere with the general picture of symmetric participation of national groups in appointing parliamentary posts. In conclusion, the standard of proportionality allows all political groups to adequately participate in the work of the European Parliament, which deserves to be emphasized, the more so, as it is not formalized.
The COVID-19 pandemic is a phrase that has accompanied us every step over the last two years. This is not an abstract concept, the effects of the measures introduced because of this disease limit us at every turn. One of the ways in which the legislature and the executive power could help the people of the Czech Republic during this period was to introduce relief and change through taxes. These tools were used to a large extent, and therefore, during the COVID-19 pandemic, tax law in the Czech Republic changed dynamically. This article deals with the issue of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on tax law in the Czech Republic. The aim of this article is to outline the changes that have taken place and will continue to take place in tax law in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic and to further evaluate these changes in terms of their effectiveness, efficiency, and necessity. ; W ciągu ostatnich dwóch lat fraza "pandemia COVID-19" towarzyszyła nam na każdym kroku. Skutki wywołane przez środki, po jakie sięgnięto w walce z chorobą, ograniczają nas na każdym kroku. Jednym ze sposobów, w jaki ustawodawca oraz władza wykonawcza mogły pomóc obywatelom Republiki Czeskiej w tym okresie, było wprowadzenie ulg i zmian w podatkach. Narzędzia te wykorzystano na szeroką skalę, a zatem podczas pandemii COVID-19 w Republice Czeskiej dynamicznie zmieniały się przepisy podatkowe. W artykule omówiono wpływ pandemii COVID-19 na prawo podatkowe w Republice Czeskiej. Jego celem jest przedstawienie zarówno wprowadzonych zmian, jak i tych, które będą wciąż następować w prawie podatkowym w związku z pandemią COVID-19, a także ocena tych zmian pod względem ich skuteczności, efektywności i zapotrzebowania na nie. Badania zaprezentowane w artykule były realizowane przy wsparciu finansowym otrzymanym w ramach grantu SGS objętego projektem VŠB-Politechniki nr SP2021/74 "Minimalizacja ryzyka związanego z dostawą towarów w świetle korzystania z Międzynarodowych Reguł Handlu 2020 r."
