Suchergebnisse

Il decreto-legge è un atto normativo di carattere provvisorio avente forza di legge, adottato in casi straordinari di necessità e urgenza dal Governo, ai sensi dell'art. 77 della Costituzione. Concepito come strumento eccezionale, questo istituto ha però assunto, nella prassi, quasi il ruolo di via ordinaria e privilegiata di legislazione. Oggetto di questo elaborato è l'evoluzione dell'utilizzo del decreto-legge, evidenziandone le relative criticità. Lo studio parte da un'analisi delle origini della decretazione d'urgenza, soffermandosi sui lavori preparatori dell'Assemblea Costituente che portarono alla formulazione dell'art. 77. Inoltre viene analizzato qual è stato l'utilizzo concreto di questo istituto, evidenziandone le storture che hanno portato la dottrina a parlare di un vero e proprio fenomeno di abuso della decretazione d'urgenza. A tal proposito vengono presentati i tentativi di arginare l'uso improprio del decreto-legge posti in essere dalla legislazione ordinaria e dalla proposta di riforma costituzionale del 2016. Successivamente la trattazione si incentra sulle tendenze recenti nell'uso della decretazione d'urgenza con particolare riferimento alle ultime legislature, partendo dall'analisi dei dati normativi. Infine come caso esemplificativo è stato discusso il "Decreto Sicurezza e Immigrazione" in relazione alle possibili violazioni all'utilizzo corretto della decretazione d'urgenza. In conclusione è auspicabile che, nella prospettiva di un futuro intervento normativo, siano considerate tanto l'importanza di garantire il rispetto della normativa costituzionale, rafforzandone e specificandone i limiti, quanto le motivazioni che spingono gli esecutivi a ricorrere in modo anomalo alla decretazione d'urgenza, prevedendo quindi dei meccanismi per consentire un procedimento legislativo più rapido e snello.

The paper focuses on some of the constitutional issues raised by the action of the Government during the sixteenth and seventeenth legislature, in Italy, in the context of the international economic crisis. The economic crisis has become one of the legal order. In fact, to react to the crisis, the Government uses delegated legislation as a own instrument, reducing parliamentary powers. Therefore the delegated legislation has become an instrument for implementing the Government program, and to achieve important institutional reforms. The role of the Parliament in the legislative procedure has been reduced, and, ultimately, the constitutional system of checks and balances has been altered.

The article argues that the Constitutional Court might scrutinize legislation without being accused to infringe upon legislative discretion, if legislative acts might include a motivation to state reasons such as the one provided by administrative acts. Against this backdrop, the constitutional judges might scrutinize the legislative act on an"internal" basis, such as the one characterizing abuse of power in administrative law. ; Nel contributo si tende ad evidenziare come la Corte costituzionale potrebbe esercitare il controllo di costituzionalità delle leggi al riparo da accuse di interferenza nell'ambito della discrezionalità politica del Legislatore ove si ipotizzasse una sorta di motivazione della legge. A partire dalla motivazione, il giudice costituzionale, potrebbe in sostanza esercitare un sindacato interno, sul modello del sindacato dell'eccesso di potere nel processo amministrativo.

per Quintino Sella ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 2 Metall. 26 s-1

It is common for courts and interpreters to refer to legislative intent to justify a particular interpretation of a statute. Although the nature of legislative intent has raised vigorous theoretical debates, the reference to what the legislature meant, wanted, implied or aimed to realize is usually accepted as an argument to solve questions and doubts concerning the meaning of legal texts. In this thesis I claim that the reference to legislative intent is not as innocuous as it may seem. On the contrary, justificatory reasoning based on this interpretative technique can be extremely misleading and therefore unable to count as a good reason in favor of interpretative conclusions. I maintain that the deceiving role of legislative intent in legal argumentation is due to the inevitable influence that figurative language has on they way in which speakers perceive and conceptualize the world. By using expressions like 'legislative intent', 'intentions of the legislature' and similar, in fact, we tend to consider a collective body (the legislature) as a single legislator capable of having intentions. In other words, language allows its speakers to personify a group and to confer to it features, intentions, and behaviors that belongs to single individuals only. Because of this personification I argue that, when used as if it designated a single legislator, the term 'legislature' works as a metaphor, i.e. a linguistic shorthand to imply an entire network of allusions, suggestions and connections by saying little. The first part of the thesis is dedicated to the examination and critique of some of the most significant and remarkable theories of metaphors. In particular, I examine the theories offered by Aristotle, I. A. Richards, M. Black, P. Grice, J. Searle and G. Lakoff. I conclude the evaluation of these theories claiming that through metaphors an undefined number of associations between two conceptual domains are created. For this system of association remains implicit and speakers may infer different conclusions from it, metaphors are a deceptive tool and cannot stand for a premise in justificatory reasoning. The first part of the thesis thus offers the theoretical means to turn to the examination of the 'legislature' as a metaphor, which is the topic of the second part. The first section of the second part is devoted to the nature of intentions. After presenting intentions as peculiar state of mind of single individuals, I illustrate the difficulties connected to the alleged possibility of retrieving the intentions of the legislature. Then I examine the role of legislative intent in legal reasoning and I illustrate how this argument indirectly influences and affects many others. After criticizing five theoretical models that offer different solutions to the identification of the legislature and its relevant intentions, I claim that the consideration of the retrieval of legislative intentions as a key moment of the interpretative process is rooted in the legal positivism developed in eighteenth and early nineteenth-century that had wrongly been considered overtaken. I close this first section claiming that the retrieval of the author's intentions in neither necessary nor appropriate to confer meaning to the text. In the second section I analyze the outcomes of this conclusion. Claiming that no retrieval of the intentions of the author of the statute would help justifying its interpretations, in fact, the authority of the legislature is inevitably questioned as well. I analyze the connection between authorship and authority through the works of J. Raz who claims that the justification to legislative intent comes directly from the authority of the legislature. After criticizing this position I conclude the thesis with a possible solution to separate authorship and authority.

Consists of separately numbered series of publications of the Parlamento as a whole, the Senato and the Camera dei deputati. ; Title varies slightly. ; Issues for the 1st-28th legislature (1848-1934) called 1-1165. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Includes index 1848-1897 (2 v.) for the publications of the Parlamento and index 1848-1904 (1 v.) for the publications of the Camera dei deputati. ; Acts of the 1st-6th legislature (1848-1859) are those of the Parlamento nazionale of the Kingdom of Sardinia (called Parlamento sub-alpino). ; MAIN; J388.H15: For a volume-by-volume guide to this set consult Pubblicazioni edite dallo stato.(J388.A12 A36 Govt & Soc Sci Svc) ; NEWS; MICROFILM 2483: For volume-by-volume guide to this set consult Pubblicazioni edite dallo stato.(J388.A12 A36 Doe Reference)

L'elaborato espone le novità introdotte dalla l. n. 67/2014 in tema di processo in contumacia, al fine di adeguare la disciplina ai principi del giusto processo enunciati dalla Convenzione europea dei diritti dell'uomo all' art. 6. Illustra, inoltre, i tentativi di riforma esperiti nelle precedenti legislature ed un confronto con altre normative europee.

A survey of the technological evolution of Fiscal Meters (Electronic Cash Register and Automatic Ticketing Systems) and of the issues relating to the validation of compliance with the current legislature. ; Una panoramica sull'evoluzione tecnologica degli apparecchi misuratori fiscali (registratori di cassa e sistemi di biglietteria automatizzati) e delle problematiche legate alla relativa validazione di conformit? rispetto alla legislatura corrente.

This article examines the territorial composition of Italian governments since 1976. Prior to that time, the governments were highly representative from a territorial viewpoint; their composition reflected the distribution of electors across the country in a way that gave each region a share of cabinet posts roughly proportional to its share in the overall electoral strength of governing parties weighted by its share of the total electorate. Regression analysis of 1976-2001 data show that, on the whole, this pattern of cabinet seat distribution has not changed over time. From legislature to legislature, however, differences do exist, & the explicatory power of this model is somewhat limited when applied to the 1996-2001 term. A brand new innovation, as compared to the 1948-1976 period, consists instead of the presence of a growing number of non-MP executive members. However, one, must distinguish between nonpartisan, non-MP government members & partisan government members who are simply not members of the parliament. The former were especially frequent during the years 1992-1994; the latter after 1996. 3 Tables, 13 Figures, 54 References. Adapted from the source document.