U Hrvatskoj već dulje vrijeme, a naročito u zadnjih godinu dana, traje javna i stručna rasprava o reorganizaciji sustava lokalne samouprave. Važna komponenta tog sustava je teritorijalna struktura. Identificiranje njezinih karakteristika daje potrebne osnove za prijedloge za promjenu sustava. Postojeći sustav obilježavaju prevelika slož enost teritorijalne organizacije, njezina nedovoljna stabilnost, neuravnoteženost, nedovoljna efikasnost lokalne samouprave, slabi razvojni potencijali te osiguranje centralističkog načina upravljanja zemljom. Da bi se mogle izvršiti potrebne pro- mjene, potrebno je da se relevantni akteri suglase o potrebi promjene modela upravljanja zemljom, kao i o novim, razvojnim svrhama lokalne samouprave. Također, trebali bi odustati od povijesno prevladanih modela i prihvatiti racionalnu organizaciju države. ; A public and professional debate about reorganisation of local self-government has been going on in Croatia for quite some time and with particular intensity during the past year. An important component of the local self-government system is the territorial structure. Identification of its characteristics gives the necessary basis to the suggestions for changes of the system. The current local self-government system is characterised by excessive complexity of the territorial organisation and its insufficient stability, imbalance, insufficient efficiency of local self-government, weak development potentials, and centralistic manner of governance at the national level. In order to conduct the necessary reforms, the relevant actors have to reach an agreement about the necessity of changing the governance model as well as about the new, developmental purposes of local self-government. Moreover, they should give up historically obsolete models and accept rational organisation of the country.
Studija se bavi promjenama u odnosu između lokalnih novinara i lokalnih političara u Češkoj kao posljedicom profesionalizacije političke komunikacije, kako na nacionalnoj tako i na lokalnoj razini, nakon takozvane Baršunaste revolucije iz 1989. godine. Taj je fenomen već istraživan u zapadnim demokracijama, a u Češkoj je relativno nov. Unaprijeđene komunikacijske vještine političara te zapošljavanje komunikacijskih stručnjaka u politici utječu na povjerenje – temeljnu komponentu u odnosu političara i novinara. Članak se temelji na saznanjima iz polustrukturiranih intervjua s 10 novinara i 11 političara iz različitih mjesta u Češkoj, kojima je cilj istražiti na koji način oni shvaćaju i održavaju razine međusobnog povjerenja. Najprije smo opisali ključne komponente povjerenja te objasnili zašto se povjerenje smatra ugroženijim u doba rofesionalizirane političke komunikacije nego što je bilo tijekom 1990-ih. Naposljetku zaključujemo članak istraživanjem triju najvažnijih prijetnji povjerenju koje su identificirali naši ispitanici. ; The study discusses changes in the relationship between local journalists and local politicians in the Czech Republic as a consequence of the professionalization of political communications at national as well as local levels following the so-called Velvet Revolution of 1989. This phenomenon has been studied widely in Western democracies but is relatively new in the Czech Republic. Politicians' improved communication skills and the employment of communication professionals in politics influence trust – a key component in the relationship – between politicians and journalists. The article is based on semi-structured interviews with 10 journalists and 11 politicians from different Czech localities, which aim to explore how these actors understand and maintain levels of mutual trust. First we describe key components of trust and explain why in the era of professionalized political communication trust is perceived as more threatened than in the 1990s and we conclude by exploring the three most important threats to trust as identified by our interviewees.
Komentiraju se slijed dosadašnjih pokušaja te aktualni napo-ri u vezi s decentralizacijom. Elaborira se četrnaest prijedloga za korjenitu decentralizaciju, koja jedina ima smisla ako se lokalna i regionalna samouprava želi konstituirati kao jedan od ključnih aktera ekonomskog, društvenog i socijalnog razvoja te ekonomske stabilnosti zemlje. Riječ je o: oblikovanju strategije decentralizacije; u čvršćenju strukture za regionalni razvoj; zadržavanja dvostupanjske strukture terito- rijalne samouprave, ali različite od postojeće; formiranju pet regija umjesto sadašnjih dvadeset županija; spajanju preko 550 lokalnih jedinica u 150 velikih općina; zadržavanju i ja-č anju mjesne samouprave; preoblikovanje županija u uprav- ne okruge s primjenom načela one-stop-shop, smanjenjem broja tih okruga na desetak i širenjem njihova djelokruga na poslove sadašnjih područnih jedinica središnjih tijela državne uprave; jačanju financijskog kapaciteta lokalne samouprave tako da se dosegne udio lokalnih rashoda u rashodima opće drž ave od 25% u narednih pet godina; uvođenju mješovitog izbornog sustava tako da se pored proporcionalnog uvede većinsko predstavništvo; formiranju Agencije za lokalne službenike kao nezavisnog tijela na razini države; usposta- vi jedinstvenog informacijskog sustava lokalne samouprave; prenošenju dijela poslova državne uprave na obavljanje većim jedinicama lokalne samouprave; formiranju ekspertne radne skupine za pripremu decentralizacije; planiranju decentralizacije tako da se čitav program provede do lokalnih izbora 2017. Navode se i mogućnosti usavršavanja postojećeg centraliziranog modela organizacije države, ponajprije kroz diferencijaciju položaja objektivno različitih jedinica te poticanje i nametanje intermunicipalne suradnje. ; The paper begins with a comment on the sequence of previous attempts at decentralisation and a description of current efforts made concerning the decentralisation process. Fourteen suggestions for substantive decentralisation are elaborated. A substantive decentralisation is the only reasonable decentralisation form if local and regional self-government is to be constituted as one of the key actors of economic and social development, and of economic stability of the country. These fourteen sugges- tions include: (1) designing a decentralisation strategy; (2) strengthening the structure for regional development; (3) maintaining the two-tier system of territorial self-government, which should nevertheless differ from the existing model; (4) forming five regions instead of the existing twenty counties; (5) merging more than 550 local units into 150 large municipalities; (6) maintaining and strengthening forms of intra-municipal self-government; (7) reshaping counties into state administrative units with the implementation of one-stop-shop principle, by reducing them to ten units and by widening their competences to the tasks of the existing branch of- fices of various ministries; (8) strengthening the financial capacity of local self-government so as to rise the share of local expenditures in the general state expenditures to 25 per cent in the next five years; (9) considering the introduction of mixed electoral system, so as to introduce plurality representation along with proportional; (10) establishing an Agency for Local Civil Servants as a central level independent body; (11) establishing an integrated information system on local governments; (12) transferring certain state administrative tasks to larger local self-government units; (13) forming an group of experts that would professionaly prepare decentralisation; (14) planning decentralisation so that the whole programme will have been finished by 2017 local elections. The author has also made suggestions for the another scenario – improvement of the existing cen- tralised model of state organisation, primarily via deeper differentiation between the objectively different local units, and stimulation and imposition of intermunicipal cooperation.
Kako dominantni državni narativ utječu na komemorativne prakse u lokalnim zajednicama u različitim povijesnim razdobljima? Ovom pitanju pristupamo provodeći studiju komemoracija Drugoga svjetskog rata u Gospiću u dva različita perioda promjene političkog režima. Studija se temelji na dokumentima iz gospićkog arhiva, člancima iz lokalnih novina, postojećim znanstvenim radovima o ovom kraju, kao i izvješćima državnih institucija i nevladinih organizacija. Uz to, fotografirali smo očuvane spomenike i groblja iz Drugoga svjetskog rata ili pak prikupili arhivske snimke i građu onih koji su uklonjeni ili uništeni u promjeru od pedeset kilometara oko Gospića. Članak pokazuje kako su se narativi, simboli i rituali koji su činili dio komemoracija nasilja iz Drugoga svjetskog rata promijenili kada su suprotstavljeni politički akteri pokušali uspostaviti vlastitu političku legitimaciju ili zadobiti političku podršku. ; How do dominant state narratives influence commemorative practices in local communities in different historical periods? We address this question by carrying out a study of World War Two commemorations in Gospić in two distinct periods of a political regime transition. The study is based on the documents from the archive of Gospić, articles from the local paper, existing scholarly publications on this area, as well as reports from state institutions and non-governmental organizations. We also photographed standing monuments and graveyards dating back to World War Two, or collected archival images and documentation of those that were removed or destroyed, in a fifty-kilometer radius around Gospić. We show how the narratives, symbols, and rituals that formed part of commemorations of World War Two violence changed when competing political actors attempted to establish their political legitimacy or gain political support.
Na temelju analize sadržaja, vrste i profila priloga u kulturnim rubrikama dvaju hrvatskih dnevnih listova, u članku se razmatra utjecaj promjene strukture vlasništva nad medijima na potencijal generiranja kritičke javne sfere i afirmaciju regionalnog karaktera kulture. Ovaj fokus analize odabran je u svjetlu teze da je uspješno uključivanje u globalizacijske procese moguće upravo natemelju postojanja snažnih lokalnih kulturnih identiteta. Analizirana su dva hrvatska regionalna dnevna lista s različitom vlasničkom strukturom, pri čemu je karakter priloga u području kulture poslužio kao indikator promjene uređivačke politike novina koja se događa s privatizacijom medija. Riječ je o prilozima u području kulture objavljivanim u splitskom dnevnom listu SlobodnaDalmacija godinu prije njegova prelaska u transnacionalno korporacijsko vlasništvo (2004.) i godinu nakon što se taj prelazak dogodio (2006.). U istim razdobljima analiziran je i riječki Novi list kao novina s drukčjim strukturom vlasništva.U slučaju Slobodne Dalmacije rezultati analize ukazuju na promjenu fokusa prezentiranih kulturnih tema s lokalno-regionalnog aspekta na teme nacionalnog i međunarodnog karaktera te smanjenje žanrova priloga s kritičkim potencijalom. U Novom listu koji nije promijenio vlasničku strukturu, u istraživanom je razdoblju uočen upravo obrnuti trend; promjena sadržaja s nacionalnim i međunarodnim kulturnim sadržajima na lokalne i regionalne teme, te zadržavanje kritičkog pristupa tim temama. Budući da je Novi list jedna od rijetkih dnevnih novina u Hrvatskoj koja nije u transnacionalnom korporacijskom vlasništvu, analizirani podaci upućuju na to da upravo izostanak takva vlasništva omogućava promicanje i razvoj kulturnih vrijednosti specifičnih za regiju te održavanje kritične lokalne javne sfere. ; Based on the content analysis of type and profile of articles in cultural sections of two Croatiandaily newspapers, this paper deals with the issue of changes in media ownership and the influencethese changes have on media as generators of critical public sphere and actors in fostering regionalcultural characteristics. This analitic focus is based on the hypothesis that successful integrationinto globalization processes is possible only if strong local cultural identity is present. TwoCroatian regional daily papers with different ownership structure were analysed. The characterof articles in cultural section was taken as an indicator of editoral politics change that came to lifewith media privatization processes. The analysis dealt with in articles Slobodna Dalmacija, dailynewspapers from Split, year before Slobodna Dalmacija came under transnational coorporateownership (2004.) and year after the change (2006.). Daily newspapers Novi List from Rijeka,was analysed in the same time frame, since Novi List has different ownership structure thanSlobodna Dalmacija.For Slobodna Dalmacija analysis reveils the change in forms of presented cultural themes fromlocal-regional aspect to national and international character along with fewer number of criticalarticles. In Novi List, that did not undergo an ownership change, trend is quite the opposite;articles content changes from national and international towards local and regional themes withno specific change in critical approach in published material. Since Novi List is one of the raredaily newspapers in Croatia that has no transnational coorporate ownership, analysed datasuggest that the absence of such ownership enables and promotes development of cultural valuesspecific for one region while maintaining critical local public sphere.
Uvođenje mjesnih zajednica kao samoupravnih jedinica unutar općine bilo je oblik jačanja društvenoga samoupravljanja i socijalističke izravne demokracije u Jugoslaviji te, prema marksističkoj teoriji, dio procesa odumiranja države. Začetke donosi Ustav iz 1963., no tek Ustavom iz 1974. mjesne su zajednice postale obavezan oblik samoupravnoga organiziranja građana. Zamišljene kao svojevrsne proširene obitelji, umnogome su ovisile o inicijativi odozdo i djelovanju aktivista. Rad donosi teorijske pretpostavke i praktične aspekte aktivističkoga djelovanja u mjesnim zajednicama u raznim dijelovima Jugoslavije, a na temelju analize uspostavljaju se karakteristični tipovi aktivista koji su određeni generacijskim, klasnim i interesnim odnosima. Podaci se ponajviše crpe iz onodobne literature, specijaliziranoga lista Mjesna zajednica i arhivskoga gradiva. ; After the experience with people's committees, small municipalities, and residential communities, socialist Yugoslavia began introducing local communities as self-governing units and communities of citizens within the new, larger municipalities. They were a way of strengthening social self-management and socialist direct democracy and, according to Marxist theory, envisioned as part of the withering away of the state, and therefore part of the process of de-bureaucratisation and humanisation of social relations. The foundations of the new socio-political organisation were set down by the 1963 Constitution, but it was only the 1974 Constitution that established local communities as one of the core parts of the socio-political system and a compulsory form of citizens' self-government organisation. Envisioned as something akin to extended families, they were greatly dependent on initiatives from below, on the energy, enthusiasm, and free time of interested citizens. Therefore, this paper attempts to answer the following questions: how was the concept of local communities envisioned; did citizens' interest reach the expected level, and who were the activists among them; what prompted their enthusiasm, and how did they understand their activities? Based on our analysis, we establish the characteristic types of activists determined by generational, class, and interest relations. In defining the theoretical and practical aspects of social self-government in local communities, the paper refers to the Programme of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, constitutional and legal provisions, and the theoretical tenets of the actors of that period. Our approach also considers the then and current papers from the field of administrative sciences. The everyday and practical activities in local communities are analysed based on the writings published in Mjesna zajednica (Local Community), the specialised monthly of the Conference for the Development of Local Communities, which acted as part of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia, as well as archival data from the fond of the Republican Conference of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Croatia.
Using a miscellany of multidisciplinary theoretical approaches (primarily sociological definitions of social & urban problems & the political science theory of the urban regime) as his starting point, the author analyzes the attitude of Split's leading politicians to the more recent problems of that city. His analysis is based on the findings of research conducted in Feb-Mar 2002, conducting structured interviews with a sample of 20 prominent local politicians. The results show that the leading Split officials consider the social conditions prevailing in that city to be unfavorable & encumbered with a plethora of hardships, the most prominent among them being rampant unemployment, decay of the city's industry, traffic isolation, socially disadvantaged citizens, & urban devastation. The interviewed politicians mostly think that those & other problems are to a large extent caused by the state of the Croatian society or, better to say, by the key factors of the social context (conversion of ownership, economic & general social crisis, patriotic war, etc) of the independent Croatia. An analysis of the interviews reveals the pronounced political tensions & divisions in Split & shows how they obstruct finding the solutions for the city's problems. The opinions & attitudes of the leading politicians in Split reveal, on the one hand, a considerable propensity toward an elitist, even authoritarian, approach to the resolution of these problems, & on the other, an insufficient willingness for solving the city's problems by means of cooperating with other social actors. 2 Tables, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.
Using a miscellany of multidisciplinary theoretical approaches (primarily sociological definitions of social & urban problems & the political science theory of the urban regime) as his starting point, the author analyzes the attitude of Split's leading politicians to the more recent problems of that city. His analysis is based on the findings of research conducted in Feb-Mar 2002, conducting structured interviews with a sample of 20 prominent local politicians. The results show that the leading Split officials consider the social conditions prevailing in that city to be unfavorable & encumbered with a plethora of hardships, the most prominent among them being rampant unemployment, decay of the city's industry, traffic isolation, socially disadvantaged citizens, & urban devastation. The interviewed politicians mostly think that those & other problems are to a large extent caused by the state of the Croatian society or, better to say, by the key factors of the social context (conversion of ownership, economic & general social crisis, patriotic war, etc) of the independent Croatia. An analysis of the interviews reveals the pronounced political tensions & divisions in Split & shows how they obstruct finding the solutions for the city's problems. The opinions & attitudes of the leading politicians in Split reveal, on the one hand, a considerable propensity toward an elitist, even authoritarian, approach to the resolution of these problems, & on the other, an insufficient willingness for solving the city's problems by means of cooperating with other social actors. 2 Tables, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.
Opći cilj istraživanja prikazanog u ovom radu jest teorijsko i empirijsko razmatranje različitih modela urbanog upravljanja na primjeru urbano-okolišnog sektora Grada Zagreba, pri čemu se posebna pažnja daje mogućnostima i preprekama za integrirano urbano upravljanje, s fokusom na koordinaciju i participaciju. Tema je razrađivana kroz različite teorijske pristupe s namjerom holističkog obuhvata područja istraživanja. Tipologija urbanog upravljanja koju su razvili DiGaetano i Strom (2003) koristi se za analizu i interpretaciju tipova upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru Grada Zagreba. Vezano specifično uz integrirano upravljanje, istraživanjem je obuhvaćena horizontalna integracija, kao dimenzija integriranog upravljanja, odnosno njezina dva aspekta: a) segment integriranog urbanog upravljanja koji pretpostavlja intenzivniju i kvalitetniju suradnju i koordinaciju formalnih aktera unutar gradske uprave; te, b) participacija neformalnih aktera u procesu donošenja odluka i kreiranja javnih politika. Aspekt koordinacije formalnih aktera interpretiran je u ovom radu temeljem teorije koordinacije javnih politika, pri čemu se preuzimaju sukcesivne razine ostvarivanja koherentnosti u oblikovanju javnih politika koje je razvio Peters (2004). U dijagnostičke svrhe utvrđivanja suradnje različitih gradskih tijela u urbano-okolišnom sektoru u ostvarivanju zajedničkih ciljeva korišten je i Metcalfeov (1994) pristup analizi izmjere kapaciteta koordinacije javnih politika. Što se tiče participacije neformalnih aktera, u interpretaciji se koristi tipologija razine participacije koju je izradila Arnstein (1969) kao i klasifikacija jednosmjernih i dvosmjernih participativnih metoda od Anokye (2013). U kontekstu ovog istraživanja razmatra se i redistribucija moći između formalnih i neformalnih aktera izražena kao odnos snaga u kojem su u poziciji moći formalni akteri, a neformalni akteri svojim djelovanjem dovode u pitanje granice i raspodjelu moći (Arnstein, 1969). Istraživanje je dizajnirano kao studija slučaja urbanog upravljanja u Gradu Zagrebu korištenjem metode polu-strukturiranog intervjua i fokusne grupe uz pregled relevantnog normativnog i strateškog okvira. Istraživanjem je utvrđen hibridni tip upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru, specifičnije, korporativno-klijentelistički tip urbanog upravljanja. Uočene specifičnosti u modelu upravljanja odnose se na nepovjerenje neformalnih aktera u tijela lokalne samouprave što je dodatno naglašeno uvjerenjem kako lokalna samouprava počiva na principima klijentelizma i pomanjkanja odgovornosti te sektorskom i piramidalnom sustavu upravljanja s koncentracijom moći u samome vrhu gradske vlasti. Navedeno je u suprotnosti sa integriranim modelom upravljanja koje pretpostavlja ostvarenje moći kroz pozitivan kontekst "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), odnosno, ostvarenje moći kroz suradnju i konsenzus, partnerstvo i procese kolektivnog djelovanja. Koordinacija odabranih gradskih ureda unutar urbano-okolišnog sektora svrstana je, sukladno Petersu (2004) na najnižu razinu negativne koordinacije, te sukladno Metcalfeu (1994), na četvrtu razinu koja isto spada u negativnu koordinaciju s obzirom na manjkavosti koje se očituju u: preklapanjima u obavljanju poslova, pri čemu se ističe nedostatak adekvatne koordinacije aktivnosti i projekata (izostanak strukturirane koordinacije) odnosno komunikacije (različite informacije, različite vizije, različite i nepovezane aktivnosti, nedostatak adekvatne baze podataka koju bi mogli koristiti svi uredi i sektori), kako unutar ureda i sektora (naglasak na nepostojanje adekvatne horizontalne koordinacije), tako i među sektorima (nepostojanje adekvatne međusektorske koordinacije), ali i spram civilnog sektora (u vezi programa i aktivnosti od zajedničkog interesa). Naposljetku, razina participacije u urbano-okolišnom sektoru prema Arnsteininoj gradaciji participacije spada u kategoriju tokenizma. Općenito, građane se ne potiče na preuzimanje aktivne uloge prilikom donošenja relevantnih odluka u domeni djelokruga lokalne samouprave kao ni na ostvarivanje partnerstva sa formalnim akterima. Sukladno klasifikaciji metoda participacije prema Anokye (2013), utvrđeno je prisustvo dominacije jednosmjernih uz ponešto dvosmjernih metoda participacije u kategoriji tokenizma. Navedeno upućuje na instrumentalni pristup (Hordijk, 2015) u participaciji neformalnih aktera koji, iako su uključeni u procese odlučivanja, nisu ravnopravni političkim akterima. Na tragu Arnsteininog (1969) poimanja moći, rezultati istraživanja s jedne strane ilustriraju moć kao asimetričnu (centraliziranu) odnosno hijerarhijsku (podređenost većine i zapovijedanje manjine) strukturu koju karakterizira koncentracija moći u samome vrhu upravljačke strukture (Ured Gradonačelnika), a što kod nekih formalnih kao i kod neformalnih aktera stvara osjećaj bespomoćnosti. S druge strane, nalazi ilustriraju moć kao procesnu, što je vidljivo kroz primjere suradnje među akterima koji ukazuju kako neformalni akteri višom razinom participacije u nekim slučajevima dovode uvriježene hijerarhije u pitanje. Međutim, pritom je isključivo riječ o partnerstvu, ali ne i o delegiranju moći ili pak građanskom nadzoru koje Arnstein svrstava u najviše razine građanske moći. ; The general purpose of the research presented in this thesis is to theoretically and empirically consider different models of urban governance based on the example of the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Particular attention is given to the opportunities and barriers to integrated urban governance with a focus on participation. The research engages with different theoretical approaches with the intention to have a holistic approach to the subject of research. The typology of urban governance developed by DiGaetano and Strom (2003) is utilized for the analysis and interpretation of types of governance present in the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Specifically with regard to integrated governance, the research encompasses horizontal integration – as a dimension of integrated governance – and particularly its two aspects: a) the dimension of integrated urban governance which implies more intensive and enhanced cooperation and coordination between formal actors within the city administration; and b) informal actors' participation in the decision making process and the process of creating public policies. The coordination of formal actors' is interpreted through public policies coordination theory by way of adopting successive levels of coherence implementation when shaping public policies as developed by Peters (2004). Metcalfe's (1994) approach to the analysis of public policies capacity coordination is also utilized as a diagnostic tool with the aim of determining the level of cooperation among the different city offices within the environment sector. With regard to capturing the participation of informal actors, the study utilizes Arnstein's (1969) typology of the level of participation, as well as the one-way and two-way classification of participation methods developed by Anokye (2013). In the context of this study, the redistribution of power between formal and informal actors is conveyed as a struggle between formal actors being in the position of power, and informal actors who through their activities question the boundaries and distribution of power. The research was designed as a case study of urban governance in the City of Zagreb. Semi-structured interviews and focus groups were conducted, and relevant legal and strategic documents were analyzed. The research has identified a hybrid governance model, more precisely, a corporate-clientelist model of urban governance. The governance model's specificities are reflected in the informal actors' distrust of local level administration, further emphasized through the conviction that the local administration relies on a clientelist agenda, lack of responsibility, and sectorial and pyramidical system of governance whereby the power resides in the highest echelons of city government. The highlighted findings are contrary to the model of integrated governance that presupposes empowerment through a positive context of "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), through cooperation and consensus, partnership and collective actions. The coordination of examined city offices within the sector of environment is categorized, according to Peters (2004), as the lowest level of negative coordination, and, according to Metcalfe (1994), on the fourth level, which also represents negative coordination, given the noted shortcomings: overlaps in activities conducted and specifically lack of adequate levels of coordinating activities and projects (lack of structured coordination), lack of communication (different information, different visions, different and disconnected activities, lack of an adequate database to be used by all offices and sectors), both within offices and sectors (lack of adequate horizontal coordination) as well as between sectors (lack of adequate inter-sectorial coordination), but in relation to the civil sector (with regard to programs and activities of common interest). Finally, the level of participation in the environment sector, in accordance with Arnstein's participation gradation, falls into the category of tokenism. Overall, citizens are not encouraged to assume active roles in the local administration's decision-making process or realize partnerships with formal actors. Based on Anokye's (2013) classification of participation methods, the study identifies the dominance of one-way participation methods and a handful of two-way participation methods in the tokenism category. This points to an instrumental approach (Hordijk, 2015) to the participation of informal actors', who, although involved in the decision-making process, are not equal to political actors. Drawing on Arnstein's (1969) understanding of power, the study illustrates, on one hand, power as asymmetrical (centralized) and hierarchical (subordination of majority, command of minority), characterized by the concentration of power at the top of the local government structure (Mayor's office), which, in turn, creates a feeling of helplessness both among certain formal as well as informal actors. On the other hand, the study results illustrate that power can also be understood as a process which is exemplified with instances of cooperation between actors showing that informal actors when achieving a higher level of participation bring established hierarchies into question. However, this is strictly reserved for partnership, and not for the delegated power or citizen control which are ranked by Arnstein as the highest levels of citizens' power.
Opći cilj istraživanja prikazanog u ovom radu jest teorijsko i empirijsko razmatranje različitih modela urbanog upravljanja na primjeru urbano-okolišnog sektora Grada Zagreba, pri čemu se posebna pažnja daje mogućnostima i preprekama za integrirano urbano upravljanje, s fokusom na koordinaciju i participaciju. Tema je razrađivana kroz različite teorijske pristupe s namjerom holističkog obuhvata područja istraživanja. Tipologija urbanog upravljanja koju su razvili DiGaetano i Strom (2003) koristi se za analizu i interpretaciju tipova upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru Grada Zagreba. Vezano specifično uz integrirano upravljanje, istraživanjem je obuhvaćena horizontalna integracija, kao dimenzija integriranog upravljanja, odnosno njezina dva aspekta: a) segment integriranog urbanog upravljanja koji pretpostavlja intenzivniju i kvalitetniju suradnju i koordinaciju formalnih aktera unutar gradske uprave; te, b) participacija neformalnih aktera u procesu donošenja odluka i kreiranja javnih politika. Aspekt koordinacije formalnih aktera interpretiran je u ovom radu temeljem teorije koordinacije javnih politika, pri čemu se preuzimaju sukcesivne razine ostvarivanja koherentnosti u oblikovanju javnih politika koje je razvio Peters (2004). U dijagnostičke svrhe utvrđivanja suradnje različitih gradskih tijela u urbano-okolišnom sektoru u ostvarivanju zajedničkih ciljeva korišten je i Metcalfeov (1994) pristup analizi izmjere kapaciteta koordinacije javnih politika. Što se tiče participacije neformalnih aktera, u interpretaciji se koristi tipologija razine participacije koju je izradila Arnstein (1969) kao i klasifikacija jednosmjernih i dvosmjernih participativnih metoda od Anokye (2013). U kontekstu ovog istraživanja razmatra se i redistribucija moći između formalnih i neformalnih aktera izražena kao odnos snaga u kojem su u poziciji moći formalni akteri, a neformalni akteri svojim djelovanjem dovode u pitanje granice i raspodjelu moći (Arnstein, 1969). Istraživanje je dizajnirano kao studija slučaja urbanog upravljanja u Gradu Zagrebu korištenjem metode polu-strukturiranog intervjua i fokusne grupe uz pregled relevantnog normativnog i strateškog okvira. Istraživanjem je utvrđen hibridni tip upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru, specifičnije, korporativno-klijentelistički tip urbanog upravljanja. Uočene specifičnosti u modelu upravljanja odnose se na nepovjerenje neformalnih aktera u tijela lokalne samouprave što je dodatno naglašeno uvjerenjem kako lokalna samouprava počiva na principima klijentelizma i pomanjkanja odgovornosti te sektorskom i piramidalnom sustavu upravljanja s koncentracijom moći u samome vrhu gradske vlasti. Navedeno je u suprotnosti sa integriranim modelom upravljanja koje pretpostavlja ostvarenje moći kroz pozitivan kontekst "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), odnosno, ostvarenje moći kroz suradnju i konsenzus, partnerstvo i procese kolektivnog djelovanja. Koordinacija odabranih gradskih ureda unutar urbano-okolišnog sektora svrstana je, sukladno Petersu (2004) na najnižu razinu negativne koordinacije, te sukladno Metcalfeu (1994), na četvrtu razinu koja isto spada u negativnu koordinaciju s obzirom na manjkavosti koje se očituju u: preklapanjima u obavljanju poslova, pri čemu se ističe nedostatak adekvatne koordinacije aktivnosti i projekata (izostanak strukturirane koordinacije) odnosno komunikacije (različite informacije, različite vizije, različite i nepovezane aktivnosti, nedostatak adekvatne baze podataka koju bi mogli koristiti svi uredi i sektori), kako unutar ureda i sektora (naglasak na nepostojanje adekvatne horizontalne koordinacije), tako i među sektorima (nepostojanje adekvatne međusektorske koordinacije), ali i spram civilnog sektora (u vezi programa i aktivnosti od zajedničkog interesa). Naposljetku, razina participacije u urbano-okolišnom sektoru prema Arnsteininoj gradaciji participacije spada u kategoriju tokenizma. Općenito, građane se ne potiče na preuzimanje aktivne uloge prilikom donošenja relevantnih odluka u domeni djelokruga lokalne samouprave kao ni na ostvarivanje partnerstva sa formalnim akterima. Sukladno klasifikaciji metoda participacije prema Anokye (2013), utvrđeno je prisustvo dominacije jednosmjernih uz ponešto dvosmjernih metoda participacije u kategoriji tokenizma. Navedeno upućuje na instrumentalni pristup (Hordijk, 2015) u participaciji neformalnih aktera koji, iako su uključeni u procese odlučivanja, nisu ravnopravni političkim akterima. Na tragu Arnsteininog (1969) poimanja moći, rezultati istraživanja s jedne strane ilustriraju moć kao asimetričnu (centraliziranu) odnosno hijerarhijsku (podređenost većine i zapovijedanje manjine) strukturu koju karakterizira koncentracija moći u samome vrhu upravljačke strukture (Ured Gradonačelnika), a što kod nekih formalnih kao i kod neformalnih aktera stvara osjećaj bespomoćnosti. S druge strane, nalazi ilustriraju moć kao procesnu, što je vidljivo kroz primjere suradnje među akterima koji ukazuju kako neformalni akteri višom razinom participacije u nekim slučajevima dovode uvriježene hijerarhije u pitanje. Međutim, pritom je isključivo riječ o partnerstvu, ali ne i o delegiranju moći ili pak građanskom nadzoru koje Arnstein svrstava u najviše razine građanske moći. ; The general purpose of the research presented in this thesis is to theoretically and empirically consider different models of urban governance based on the example of the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Particular attention is given to the opportunities and barriers to integrated urban governance with a focus on participation. The research engages with different theoretical approaches with the intention to have a holistic approach to the subject of research. The typology of urban governance developed by DiGaetano and Strom (2003) is utilized for the analysis and interpretation of types of governance present in the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Specifically with regard to integrated governance, the research encompasses horizontal integration – as a dimension of integrated governance – and particularly its two aspects: a) the dimension of integrated urban governance which implies more intensive and enhanced cooperation and coordination between formal actors within the city administration; and b) informal actors' participation in the decision making process and the process of creating public policies. The coordination of formal actors' is interpreted through public policies coordination theory by way of adopting successive levels of coherence implementation when shaping public policies as developed by Peters (2004). Metcalfe's (1994) approach to the analysis of public policies capacity coordination is also utilized as a diagnostic tool with the aim of determining the level of cooperation among the different city offices within the environment sector. With regard to capturing the participation of informal actors, the study utilizes Arnstein's (1969) typology of the level of participation, as well as the one-way and two-way classification of participation methods developed by Anokye (2013). In the context of this study, the redistribution of power between formal and informal actors is conveyed as a struggle between formal actors being in the position of power, and informal actors who through their activities question the boundaries and distribution of power. The research was designed as a case study of urban governance in the City of Zagreb. Semi-structured interviews and focus groups were conducted, and relevant legal and strategic documents were analyzed. The research has identified a hybrid governance model, more precisely, a corporate-clientelist model of urban governance. The governance model's specificities are reflected in the informal actors' distrust of local level administration, further emphasized through the conviction that the local administration relies on a clientelist agenda, lack of responsibility, and sectorial and pyramidical system of governance whereby the power resides in the highest echelons of city government. The highlighted findings are contrary to the model of integrated governance that presupposes empowerment through a positive context of "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), through cooperation and consensus, partnership and collective actions. The coordination of examined city offices within the sector of environment is categorized, according to Peters (2004), as the lowest level of negative coordination, and, according to Metcalfe (1994), on the fourth level, which also represents negative coordination, given the noted shortcomings: overlaps in activities conducted and specifically lack of adequate levels of coordinating activities and projects (lack of structured coordination), lack of communication (different information, different visions, different and disconnected activities, lack of an adequate database to be used by all offices and sectors), both within offices and sectors (lack of adequate horizontal coordination) as well as between sectors (lack of adequate inter-sectorial coordination), but in relation to the civil sector (with regard to programs and activities of common interest). Finally, the level of participation in the environment sector, in accordance with Arnstein's participation gradation, falls into the category of tokenism. Overall, citizens are not encouraged to assume active roles in the local administration's decision-making process or realize partnerships with formal actors. Based on Anokye's (2013) classification of participation methods, the study identifies the dominance of one-way participation methods and a handful of two-way participation methods in the tokenism category. This points to an instrumental approach (Hordijk, 2015) to the participation of informal actors', who, although involved in the decision-making process, are not equal to political actors. Drawing on Arnstein's (1969) understanding of power, the study illustrates, on one hand, power as asymmetrical (centralized) and hierarchical (subordination of majority, command of minority), characterized by the concentration of power at the top of the local government structure (Mayor's office), which, in turn, creates a feeling of helplessness both among certain formal as well as informal actors. On the other hand, the study results illustrate that power can also be understood as a process which is exemplified with instances of cooperation between actors showing that informal actors when achieving a higher level of participation bring established hierarchies into question. However, this is strictly reserved for partnership, and not for the delegated power or citizen control which are ranked by Arnstein as the highest levels of citizens' power.
In this study, the authors discuss the educational and social factors that contribute to the perception of school principals as an independent managerial profession. Empirical results are based on a household survey, nationally representative of the Republic of Croatia as a small European country involved in a comprehensive educational reform. The empirical results indicate that trust in individual social actors relevant for education and the public perception of school effectiveness can serve as predictors of the public assessment of principalship as a profession. Potential implications for further research and policy development in small European countries are suggested. The proposed policy interventions emphasize institutional capacity building and an attempt to achieve a positive feedback loop by strengthening mutual links between the development of local resources and the communication of positive local narratives. ; U ovom se radu istražuju obrazovni i društveni faktori koji pridonose percepciji školskih ravnatelja kao neovisne menadžerske profesije. Empirijski su rezultati dobiveni ispitivanjem kućanstava reprezentativnih za Republiku Hrvatsku, malu europsku država koja provodi opsežnu reformu obrazovanja. Empirijski rezultati sugeriraju da povjerenje u pojedine društvene aktere koji su relevantni za obrazovanje i javna percepcija učinkovitosti škola mogu služiti kao čimbenici prognoze javne procjene ravnateljske profesije. Iznose se moguće implikacije za buduća istraživanja i razvoj politika u malim europskim državama. Predložene intervencije u politiku naglašavaju sposobnost institucionalne izgradnje, kao i pokušaj kreiranja pozitivnih povratnih informacija jačanjem međusobnih poveznica između razvoja lokalnih resursa i dijeljenja pozitivnih lokalnih narativa.
Odnos društva i prostora karakteriziran je dinamikom načina života, vrijednosti, normi i običaja koji pokreću razvojne procese. U taj odnos kulture i prirode, čovjek unosi društvene vrijednosti kojima djeluje na prirodne resurse. Stoga, socio-prostorna analiza uključuje različite aspekte: ekološki, ambijentalni, ekonomski, socijalni, kulturni, a odgovornost za različite procese kojima se prostor transformira može se pripisati različitim socijalnim akterima, među kojima lokalna zajednica ima posebnu ulogu. Suvremene planerske prakse, na temelju koncepata komunikativnog planiranja, sve više naglašavaju primjerenost pristupa "odozdo" i važnost uključivanja lokalne zajednice u sve faze planiranja i implementacije prostornih strategija. Pri tome treba naglasiti konsenzus oko dvije vrijednosti: ekološke i socijalne održivosti. Na njima se, posljedično, oblikuju i kriteriji djelovanja. Ekološka održivost odnosi se na zaštitu cjeline života i životnih uvjeta. Socijalna održivost odnosi se na uvođenje participativnog procesa, postizanje uravnotežene zajednice, socijalne kohezije i zajednice koja je pravedna, raznovrsna, povezana i demokratična. Ovim se nastoji osigurati razvoj koji bi bio ekološki održiv i socijalno nekonfliktan. Analiza socio-prostornog razvoja Sjeverozapadne Hrvatske obuhvatila je pet županija:. Na prvoj razini analizirani su prostorni planovi pet županija s ciljem da se utvrdi u kojoj mjeri uključuju dimenzije socijalne i ekološke održivosti. Na drugoj strani razmatrani su rezultati dva istraživanja stavova lokalnog stanovništva u pogledu participacije u zajednici i stavova o okolišu i rizicima. Rezultati su pokazali da je koncept ekološke održivosti prihvaćen od strane lokalnog stanovništva i uključen u plansku dokumentaciju. S druge strane, koncept socijalne održivosti nije uključen u županijske planove. Lokalna javnost kao partner, participacija, informiranje i jačanje lokalne demokracije nije implementirana u prostorne planove. Anketna istraživanja pokazala su da su ekološke vrijednosti visoko su izražene i čine dobru vrijednosnu osnovu razvoja. U pogledu praksi socijalne održivosti, oko 30% lokalnih stanovnika ovog prostora, u svakodnevnom životu sudjeluje u participativnom procesu. Rezultati upućuju na potrebu da se usklade normativna razina i svakodnevne prakse. Ideju o lokalnoj javnosti kao partneru u planiranju potrebno je afirmirati i na normativnoj razini, kroz prostorne planove, kako bi se ojačale demokratske procedure i stvorio okvir za efikasnije djelovanje civilnog sektora koji već i sada djeluje u lokalnim zajednicama. ; The relationship between society and space is characterized by lifestyle dynamics, values, norms and habits that drive development processes. In such interactions between culture and nature, people bring social values by which they affect natural resources. Therefore, socio-spatial analyses include different aspects: ecological, ambient, economic, social, cultural, while responsibility for the different processes that transform space can be associated with different social actors. Among them, the local community has a special role. Contemporary planning practices based on communicative planning concepts, more than ever, emphasize the relevance of the bottom-up approach as well as the importance of including local community in every phase of planning and implementing spatial strategies. To this end, it should be stressed that there is a consensus on two values: ecological as well as social sustainability, which in turn, also shape criteria for acting. Ecological sustainability refers to protecting conditions for life and life as a whole. Social sustainability refers to implementing participation, achieving balanced community, social cohesion and a just, diverse, connected and democratic community. In this way, we should try to ensure ecologically sustainable and socially unambiguous development. The analysis of socio-spatial development in North-west Croatia includes five counties. In the first stage, spatial planning documents are analysed in order to answer the extent to which they include dimensions of social and ecological sustainability. At the next stage, results of the two surveys are discussed regarding locals' attitudes about community participation as well as environmental attitudes. The results show that the concept of ecological sustainability is incorporated within planning documentation, and well-accepted by residents. On the other hand, the sociological sustainability concept is not included in the official planning documentation. The ideas of partnering with local community, and participating, informing and strengthening local democracy are not implemented in the spatial planning documents. Surveys have shown that high levels of ecological sustainability are a positive basis for development. Regarding social sustainability practices, approximately 30% of respondents have experience in participation processes in the local community. These results suggest a need to harmonise normative acts with life practices in the field of participation. The idea of the local public as partner in the planning procedures should be affirmed also at the normative level throughout spatial planning documents, in an attempt to improve democratic procedures and ensure the institutional framework for civil society actions that are already present in the local community.
This paper aims to describe the development of local budgetary policy towards increased budget transparency. A case study of Bjelovar was undertaken, for which the two qualitative data collecting methods were used – interviewingand document analysis. The collected data were coded in accordance with the rules of qualitative content analysis. There are four main elements of the decision-making process within Bjelovar's budgetary policy: the transparency as a main goal; the application "Transparent" as instrument of nodality, as central instrument; the mayor, along with his associates, as a leading actor; and the citizensas a principal target group. The analysis shows how common principles of the local budgetary policy and the concept of the good governance are transparency and accountability. Still, those seem to be necessary but not sufficientconditions for realization of good governance, as their introduction does not insure higher participation of unofficial actors, especially not of nongovernmental organizations. This research paper offers a political science insight on an economic topic and it underlines the importance of the procedural aspect of the transparency; in other words – transparency of budgetary decision-makingis important at least as much as transparency of budget itself. ; Cilj je ovoga rada prikazati razvoj lokalne proračunske politike u smjeru veće proračunske transparentnosti. Provedena je studija slučaja Bjelovara u kojoj su korištene dvije kvalitativne metode prikupljanja podataka – intervju i selekcioniranje dokumenata. Prikupljena građa kodirana je prema pravilima kvalitativneanalize sadržaja. Četiri su glavna elementa političkog odlučivanja o bjelovarskoj proračunskoj politici: transparentnost kao cilj, aplikacija Transparentnokao osnovni informacijski instrument, gradonačelnik zajedno sa svojim suradnicima kao ključni akter i građani kao glavna ciljana skupina. Analiza pokazujekako su zajednička temeljna načela i lokalne proračunske politike i koncepta dobrog upravljanja transparentnost i odgovornost. Podaci navode i na zaključak kako su to nužni, ali ne i dovoljni uvjeti za ostvarenje dobrog upravljanja, s obzirom na to da njihovo uvođenje ne osigurava veću participaciju neformalnih aktera, posebice udruga civilnog društva. Ovaj rad predstavlja politološki pogled na ovu prvenstveno ekonomski analiziranu temu, te kroz uvide o empirijskom slučaju pokazuje važnost procesne dimenzije transparentnosti – važno je i koliko se transparentno odlučuje o proračunu, a ne isključivo transparentnost samog proračuna.
Cilj je ovoga rada prikazati razvoj lokalne proračunske politike u smjeru veće proračunske transparentnosti. Provedena je studija slučaja Bjelovara u kojoj su korištene dvije kvalitativne metode prikupljanja podataka – intervju i selekcioniranje dokumenata. Prikupljena građa kodirana je prema pravilima kvalitativne analize sadržaja. Četiri su glavna elementa političkog odlučivanja o bjelovarskoj proračunskoj politici: transparentnost kao cilj, aplikacija Transparentno kao osnovni informacijski instrument, gradonačelnik zajedno sa svojim suradnicima kao ključni akter i građani kao glavna ciljana skupina. Analiza pokazuje kako su zajednička temeljna načela i lokalne proračunske politike i koncepta dobrog upravljanja transparentnost i odgovornost. Podaci navode i na zaključak kako su to nužni, ali ne i dovoljni uvjeti za ostvarenje dobrog upravljanja, s obzirom na to da njihovo uvođenje ne osigurava veću participaciju neformalnih aktera, posebice udruga civilnog društva. Ovaj rad predstavlja politološki pogled na ovu prvenstveno ekonomski analiziranu temu, te kroz uvide o empirijskom slučaju pokazuje važnost procesne dimenzije transparentnosti – važno je i koliko se transparentno odlučuje o proračunu, a ne isključivo transparentnost samog proračuna. ; This paper aims to describe the development of local budgetary policy towards increased budget transparency. A case study of Bjelovar was undertaken, for which the two qualitative data collecting methods were used – interviewing and document analysis. The collected data were coded in accordance with the rules of qualitative content analysis. There are four main elements of the decision-making process within Bjelovar's budgetary policy: the transparency as a main goal; the application "Transparent" as instrument of nodality, as central instrument; the mayor, along with his associates, as a leading actor; and the citizens as a principal target group. The analysis shows how common principles of the local budgetary policy and the concept of the good governance are transparency and accountability. Still, those seem to be necessary but not sufficient conditions for realization of good governance, as their introduction does not insure higher participation of unofficial actors, especially not of non-governmental organizations. This research paper offers a political science insight on an economic topic and it underlines the importance of the procedural aspect of the transparency; in other words – transparency of budgetary decision-making is important at least as much as transparency of budget itself.
The paper is analysing the influence of international institutions on social policy creation in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the beginning of the economic crisis in 2008. The first section gives an overview of the relevant literature, followed by a presentation of socio – economic factors that led to international credit agreement, reform agenda and actual implementation of social protection reforms. Through the analysis of proclaimed social protection objectives and their implementation by local institutions in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, an assessment of the achieved results is done in the light of realised savings and better targeting of social transfers. The paper sheds some light on inconsistent policy of both international institutions and government actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Hence, despite the proclaimed reform objectives, the system of social protection based on status rights which is fiscally unsustainable, and poorly targeted towards the poor still remains largely unchanged. ; Rad se bavi analizom utjecaja međunarodnih institucija na socijalnu politiku u Bosni i Hercegovini od početka ekonomske krize 2008. godine. U prvom se dijelu rada daje pregled relevantne literature, zatim se prezentiraju socio-ekonomski čimbenici koji su doveli do sklapanja međunarodnog kreditnog aranžmana, reformski ciljevi i način implementacije reformi sustava socijalne zaštite. Kroz analizu proklamiranih ciljeva reforme socijalne zaštite te njihovu implementaciju od strane lokalnih institucija u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine analiziraju se stvarni učinci s aspekta ostvarenih ušteda i bolje ciljanosti socijalnih transfera. Rad ukazuje na nedosljednost politike kako međunarodnih institucija u Bosni i Hercegovini tako i vladinih aktera. Unatoč proklamiranim ciljevima reforme, sustav socijalne zaštite temeljen na statusnim pravima fiskalno je neodrživ te loše ciljan prema siromašnima, ali i dalje ostaje nepromijenjen.