The perception of femicide and violence against women has known a constant evolution in recent years; both mass media and political and social actors tried to raise awareness on the issue. According to Diana Russell's definition (the killing of females by males because they are females), femicide has to be considered as a social and political fact and not just as ordinary crimes: it represents extreme manifestations of male dominance over female. Our aim is to analyse how these facts are represented every day in the Italian press. In our thesis we collected and analysed articles from the online edition of four of the most important national newspapers in Italy (Corriere della Sera, la Repubblica, Il Fatto Quotidiano and Libero) and from two Sardinian local newspapers (L'Unione Sarda and La Nuova Sardegna). The time span goes from January 2010 to May 2015. We will examine how the characters are depicted in the texts, what are the reasons behind the facts, and how violence itself is described, together with other linguistic aspects related to the headlines, to the use of direct speech and quotes from the protagonists of the events.
Il presente elaborato tratterà il fenomeno del consumo di notizie on line, concentrandosi sul rapporto del consumatore con i giornali on line. L'oggetto della ricerca sarà indagato seguendo due direzioni diverse. La prima direzione studia la tipologia di lettore italiano di quotidiani on line, rielaborando la ricerca Istat sugli aspetti della vita quotidiana, in particolare il modulo sull'uso delle tecnologie dell'informazione e della comunicazione (ICT). La seconda direzione invece è volta allo studio dei desideri e delle aspirazioni dei lettori riguardo il servizio offerto da un quotidiano on line locale, utilizzando per questo tecniche di indagine qualitativa. Nella prima parte la ricerca passa in rassegna la letteratura riguardante la nascita delle testate giornalistiche on line ed il loro sviluppo parallelo alla crisi dei giornali cartacei, evidenziandone i punti di forza ed approfondendo la tematica peculiare dei quotidiani on line locali. In questo contesto la ricerca affronta quelle che sono considerate le nuove frontiere del giornalismo, in particolar modo quello on line, come il participatory journalism o citizen journalism, e gli ostacoli che si frappongono a questa evoluzione dell'informazione come i fenomeni del gatekeeping e del crowdsourcing. I due obiettivi della ricerca sono la descrizione del consumatore italiano di quotidiani on line e l'analisi in profondità dei suoi interessi e gusti. Per rispondere alla prima domanda la ricerca utilizza i dati di un'inchiesta campionaria svolta dall'Istat, concentrandoci su una variabile proxy riguardo la lettura dei quotidiani on line, mentre per rispondere alla seconda domanda è stata condotta una ricerca empirica tra i lettori del quotidiano livornese Quilivorno.it, i cui gusti ed interessi sono stati indagati attraverso sessioni successive di interviste collettive (brainstorming valutativo e focus group). English translation The present study will address the phenomenon of online news consumption, focusing on the relationship of the consumer with online newspapers. The object of the research will be investigated along two different directions. The first direction studies the type of Italian reader of online newspapers, reworking the research Istat aspects of everyday life, in particular the module on the use of information and communication technologies (ICT). The second direction is instead devoted to the study of the wishes and aspirations of the readers about the service offered by a local online newspaper, using qualitative research techniques. In the first part the research reviews the literature concerning the birth of newspapers online and their development parallel to the crisis of the printed newspaper, highlighting the strengths and deepening the theme of local online newspapers. In this context, the research addresses what are considered the new frontiers of journalism, especially that on-line, such as participatory journalism or citizen journalism, and the barriers to this evolution of information as the phenomena of gatekeeping and crowdsourcing. The two objectives of the research are the description of the Italian consumer of online newspapers and in-depth analysis of his interests and tastes. To answer the first question, the research uses data from a survey carried out by ISTAT, focusing on the proxy about reading newspapers online, and to answer the second question an empirical study was conducted among the readers of the newspaper Livorno Quilivorno.it, whose tastes and interests were investigated through successive sessions of collective interviews (brainstorming evaluation and focus groups).
Trilateral regulation, based on relations among trade unions, employers (or their associations) and governments, is one of the main mechanisms of socio-economic regulation in Western countries since decades, as well as a cornerstone of the so-called European social model. Notwithstanding, work regulation without trade unions' involvement is an increasingly widespread reality, especially within innovative workplaces. This outcome gives credit to the "race to the bottom" and "globalization theories", which predict a general convergence towards a neo-liberal institutional setting, where there is no space for labour and work regulation is unilaterally set by firms. To examine what underlies trade unions' inclusion or exclusion from regulatory processes, this research focuses on an innovative business like the Factory Outlet Centre, a huge retailing complex with almost one thousand workers, mostly shop assistants. Actually, from an Industrial Relations perspective, it might not be the appropriate unit of analysis to test trilateral regulation's survival, given that its features, like being a greenfield and a multi-employers workplace full of several micro-firms, are usually associated to labour's under-representation. But the context matters too, and here Italy is the setting of analysis, which is a particularly fitted context, because it shows an "organized" system of industrial relations, where labour representation is traditionally rooted. Moreover, Italian legal framework on commerce has been recently reformed, moving several competencies to regional and local administrations. Within this frame, field work deepens eight Factory Outlet Centres evenly spread in four regions (Toscana, Emilia Romagna, Lombardia and Veneto), allowing the emergence of regional varieties, as the ones related to political sub-cultures. The working hypothesis is that innovative businesses rely on new ways to coordinate socio-economic activities that, challenging the old features of regulation, allow the first-mover to act as a rent-seeker, unless involved entrepreneurs, politicians and trade unionists reach a new compromise. So there are only two kinds of actors, "first-movers" and "subordinates", and three kinds of actions, unilateral, negotiated and cooperative. As far as our case-studies are concerned, first-movers are entrepreneurs who promote and develop retailing complexes such as Factory Outlet Centres; as well as local governments, which hold the legal authority to give planning permissions and retailing licenses to make them operate. Instead, subordinate actors are trade unions, firstly worried about the way to reply to others' strategies. As far as cooperation and opportunism are concerned, the former targets to positive-sum games, while the latter always conceives at least a loser. Thanks to an extended review of policy documents, sentences, local newspapers and twenty-two interviews, this research explains precisely why in few cases trade unions have been involved in the work regulation, while in the others such a triangulation has not been feasible, letting employers and local politicians set the rules. Indeed, a clear finding emerges from the empirical analysis. Whenever work regulation is decentralized at local level, employers and local administrators join together to exclude, unilaterally, trade unions from the deal, exchanging mutual favours and acting as perfect rent-seekers. On the contrary, insofar as a more centralized public actor actively intervenes, such as regional policy-makers or judges, cooperation permeates work regulation, including trade unions along with employers and local administrators, as also leading to positive repercussions on workers' well-being without undermining company's profitability. A straightforward demonstration of this dark side of decentralization comes from the Sunday openings issue. On one hand, Sunday openings and the related extension of working time have been allowed by local government and then imposed to workforce by management. On the other, whenever a regional control is still effective, the issue has been solved through an innovative form of industrial relations: collective bargaining at the "site" level, where the workers' counterpart is not their employer, usually a shop-keeper, but it is their workplace's manager, that is the Factory Outlet Centre's director. Here the deal is stroke because trade unions accept a flexible working time arrangement in return for compensations like wage increases and a space for unions' local section. Besides, the ways unions approached these innovative workplaces shed light on the Italian version of "trade unions' revitalization", which encompasses a mix of both organizing and servicing strategies. Basically, despite site-bargaining renovates unions' actions preserving their ability to mobilize workers, its fragility clearly stands out, due to the need of an increasingly rare supportive state. Once said so, the spread of bilateral agencies, despite often judged as a unions' failure and a betrayal to their collective mission, might be the best results currently achievable, at least to keep some power to influence counterparts and institutions. It goes without saying that such a line of reasoning assumes that these two efforts are not seen as mutual exclusive but, adequately set, self-reinforcing. Despite this research zooms a narrow phenomena like Factory Outlet Centres, it aims at contributing to the huge academic debate regarding institutional change, here interpreted in relation to regional models of industrial relations. Among the four regions observed, Toscana and Veneto are in line with their institutional paths, respectively, a neo-corporatist and a neo-conservative one. Vice versa, Lombardia and Emilia Romagna are getting ahead of an institutional change: a bit more labour-friendly the former, in respect to its pluralist point of departure, and a much less labour-friendly the latter, a counter-intuitive outcome considering its progressive tradition and its actual approach inspired to social dialogue. The results open to further researches, specially on different workplaces within the context already considered, Italy, in order to confirm or to controvert such trends; as well as on different contexts but within the same workplace, Factory Outlet Centre, in order to find out similar or different outcomes. As demonstrated in this work, business innovation has strong implications for the future of trilateral work regulation, whose directions are not predictable, depending both on actors' strategies and institutional settings. Obviously, any further deepening of such mechanisms is welcomed.
The thesis sets out to examine the character of British politician Margaret Thatcher, following the path of her life and her career since her years at the University of Oxford, where she studied chemistry, to her election as the leader of the Conservative Party in 1975. The investigation has been conducted by examining a number of sources and documents: minutes of meetings, electoral speeches and manifestos, accounts of informal exchanges, transcripts of parliamentary debates, articles and editorials published in both local and national newspapers. The aim of the research, on the one hand, is that of filling a gap in the Italian scholarly literature on the subject, while, on the other hand, bringing to light a number of underestimated factors, which have in time contributed to turning the "Grantham girl" into a world leader. The investigation covers three decades during which Thatcher has evolved from "the grocer's daughter" into "the iron lady". The originality of the research consists in its attempt to show to what extent the main traits of what will get to be known as Thatcherism started to emerge well before Thatcher's election to the role of prime minister and, therefore, how the political climax of her story had already reached its peak in 1975. By examining the crucial events which marked Thatcher personal and political history the thesis aims at providing a picture of British society during the period under scrutiny as well as at unveiling a degree of complexity, in both Thatcher and British society, which has often been under investigated.
Since their arrival in Malta in 1800, the British tried to spread their own language in the country, but they faced not only considerable practical problems posed by the fact that they had to replace Italian with English as an official language, but also a series of varied ideological and linguistic reactions from part of the Maltese people. The Maltese society was immediately divided in the attitude towards English domination, and above all towards the insertion of the English language and the penetration of the Protestant missionaries. These soon became numerous and soon became aware that in order to give effect to their propaganda they could not use English: they turned to the local idiom, opposing the use of the Maltese, who wanted to benefit even the less cultured inhabitants, to the hegemonic language Italian-Catholicism Malta but was and it is strongly linked to the Catholic Church, and it was precisely in reaction to the aforementioned Protestant policy that the supporting faction of the Italian received new adepts and new vigor. In any case, religion was not the only strength of the Italian: the exiles of the Risorgimento in fact attracted the sympathies of several Maltese; some of them, during their stay in Malta, not only directed newspapers or collaborated, but also worked for the promotion of the study of Italian literature founding private schools, academies and reading cabinets, and moreover it is understood that in the Maltese literature the influences of Italian language, culture and literature were conspicuous, especially in the 17th and 18th centuries, but still in the late 19th century ; N/A
Per il numero monografico dedicato alle 'Tracce' della rivista Progetto Grafico, edita dall'AIAP, ho scritto un articolo sull'attività che Francesco Olivucci, artista forlivese, svolse come illustratore di vari stampati clandestini prodotti durante la Resistenza. Tra questi figurano molte incisioni realizzate per giornali e addirittura per rari 'prestiti di liberazione', una sorta di moneta speciale emessa dai comandi partigiani che, alla fine del conflitto, venne ufficialmente riconosciuta dallo Stato italiano. La ricerca è stata svolta principalmente presso l'Istituto storico della Resistenza e dell'Età Contemporanea di Forlì, che conserva non solo gli originali degli stampati, ma anche i cliché delle xilografie. L'argomento specifico, un po' come tutto il tema della stampa partigiana, è stato trattato in maniera locale, parziale, e quasi sempre solo da un punto di vista prettamente storico. Al contrario, credo che questo andrebbe indagato anche sotto l'aspetto della comunicazione visiva, generando una riflessione sul ruolo del grafico nella società contemporanea. Olivucci si dedicò alla rappresentazione di scene di guerra e di Resistenza, di volti dei caduti per la Liberazione e alla creazione di vere e proprie immagini di propaganda. Le sue illustrazioni sono state il primo passo, mosso in tempo reale, di un'iconografia partigiana ancora tutta da scoprire. ; For the special 'Traces' issue of the review Progetto Grafico, published by AIAP, I wrote an article on the activity of the artist Francesco Olivucci, who made some woodcuts for various illegal prints during the Italian Resistance. Among these are many illustrations realized for newspapers and even rares 'loans for liberation', a sort of special currency issued by partisans commands, that at the end of the conflict was officially recognized by the new Italian government. The research was principally carried out at Istituto storico della Resistenza e dell'Età Contemporanea di Forlì, which preserves not only the original prints, but also the cliches of woodcuts. The specific topic, as the whole theme of the partisan press, was treated in a local, partial, and almost always only from a historical standpoint. On the contrary, I think this subject needs to be addressed also in terms of visual communication, creating a reflection on the role of graphics in contemporary society. Olivucci represented the scenes of war and resistance and the faces of those who died for the liberation, creating real propaganda images. His illustrations have been the first step, moved in real-time, of partisan iconography all yet to be discovered.
L'oggetto della nostra ricerca riguarda le dinamiche sociologiche in materia di gestione del discredito a seguito dello scandalo degli abusi sessuali nella Chiesa Cattolica dal 2002 al 2010, prendendo in considerazione alcuni degli eventi mediaticamente più significativi che hanno caratterizzato l'intera vicenda. Il punto di partenza della ricerca è il 9 gennaio 2002, quando il quotidiano americano The Boston Globe ha pubblicato un'inchiesta relativa a un caso di abuso nell'arcidiocesi di Boston. In seguito abbiamo assistito a una propagazione del fenomeno non solo in altre diocesi del territorio, ma anche in alcuni Paesi europei; tra questi abbiamo incentrato la nostra analisi sulla situazione in Irlanda. Le ragioni di questa scelta sono state dettate dal fatto che dagli Stati Uniti è esploso mediaticamente il caso e per tutto il decorso della vicenda essi si sono posti nello scenario internazionale come opinion leaders, non solo a livello di politiche adottate per contrastare il fenomeno (tra tutte, la zero tolerance), ma anche per quanto riguarda l'adozione di prime specifiche norme in materia di tutela dei diritti dei minori. Il focus sull'Irlanda è invece dettato dalla forte tradizione cattolica presente nel Paese . La scelta degli Stati Uniti e dell'Irlanda, poi, è motivata da alcune ragioni di fondo che sembrano accumunare entrambi i Paesi; innanzitutto, la dimensione del fenomeno (ovvero, negli Stati Uniti dal 1950 al 2002 sono stati segnalati circa 4392 preti accusati di abuso sessuale sui minori ; in Irlanda, invece, tra il 1965 e il 2005 sono state registrate più di 100 denunce di abusi su ventuno preti che operavano nella sola diocesi di Ferns ). Un successivo aspetto fa riferimento, invece, all'interesse dei mass media americani (e irlandesi) circa le modalità di rappresentazione della vicenda, spesso presentata in "termini scandalistici", i cui fatti accaduti circa trent'anni fa sono riproposti all'opinione pubblica come se fossero fatti attuali. Infine, dall'America sono partiti anche i primi processi, che hanno portato in molti casi a gravi crisi finanziarie delle diocesi locali che hanno dovuto risarcire le vittime; inoltre, da qui sono scattate le denuncie contro il Vaticano e il Papa (nel settembre del 2011, infatti, lo SNAP , una delle maggiori associazioni delle vittime, ha presentato un'istanza al tribunale dell'Aja conto Benedetto XVI il cardinale Tarcisio Bertone, il cardinale Angelo Sodano e l'ex Prefetto della Congregazione, William Levada). In Irlanda si presenta uno scenario più o meno simile; i dati del Rapporto Ferns, infatti, hanno evidenziato lo stesso modus operandi delle diocesi locali che, in molti casi, hanno offerto alle vittime grossi risarcimenti monetari per evitare che i casi diventassero uno scandalo per la diocesi stessa o per la Chiesa in generale. Il lavoro è stato diviso in tre sezioni: una prima parte, di taglio sociologico, espone le matrici alla base del concetto di credibilità, prestando particolare attenzione alla credibilità delle istituzioni (con la Chiesa Cattolica) e dell'individuo (nello specifico, abbiamo parlato della relazione tra il sacerdote e il minore-vittima dell'abuso). Successivamente abbiamo analizzato le modalità di costruzione della notizia tenendo presenti gli aspetti caratterizzanti il processo del newsmaking e i valori notizia impiegati per la rappresentazione dei fatti da parte dei quotidiani stranieri ed italiani. Infine, abbiamo affrontato il problema del panico morale, sulla scorta dello studio di Griswold sulla costruzione di un problema sociale in relazione al ruolo e all'influenza mediatica in questo processo (Griswold 1997). Nella seconda parte del lavoro, abbiamo applicato le categorie dei valori notizia, delle strategie di tematizzazione dei quotidiani e del panico morale nella ricostruzione dei casi di abuso in America e in Irlanda. Al fine di offrire un quadro quanto più ampio dei singoli fatti, abbiamo elaborato una breve ricostruzione storica sulla base della documentazione prodotta da alcune fonti ufficiali, quali: il sito ufficiale della Santa Sede, referti medici, indagini governative e inchieste condotte dalle diocesi locali o da autorità giudiziarie. Nell'impossibilità di esaminare tutta l'enorme mole di materiale prodotto dagli organi di stampa durante questi anni, abbiamo selezionato due tipologie di articoli giornalistici: - Per i quotidiani stranieri abbiamo scelto l'editoriale, quale forma giornalistica capace di esprimere il punto di vista della direzione del giornale. Le testate impiegate come fonti sono così suddivise: a. Per gli Stati Uniti, ricordiamo: The Boston Globe e The New York Times; b. Per l'Irlanda, invece, abbiamo: The Irish Times; Per quanto riguarda l'analisi degli articoli italiani, invece, abbiamo selezionato i tre quotidiani più letti in Italia: Il Corriere della Sera, La Repubblica e La Stampa. In questa circostanza abbiamo optato per l'articolo di cronaca, come forma di esposizione di una notizia per eccellenza. Alla ricostruzione storica e mediatica dei principali casi di abusi sessuali abbiamo esaminato la risposta proveniente dalla Chiesa Cattolica nei suoi vari livelli, considerando gli interventi pubblici, le decisioni e i gesti significativi valutando le eventuali analogie e differenze di azione compiute nel corso degli anni da Papa Giovanni Paolo II e da Papa Benedetto XVI. In tal senso, abbiamo fatto riferimento a una fitta documentazione disponibile sul sito ufficiale del Vaticano. I risultati dell'analisi fanno riferimento a due precisi ambiti. In primo luogo, abbiamo preso in esame gli effetti prodotti dai media analizzandoli su due fronti: innanzitutto secondo un'ottica autoreferenziale, ovvero valutando eventuali cambiamenti di posizione rispetto all'avvicendarsi dei fatti e, infine, in relazione alla risposta dell'opinione pubblica prendendo come parametri di riferimento i sondaggi di popolarità e gli indici di fiducia e consenso rivolte alla Chiesa Cattolica. In secondo luogo, poi, abbiamo considerato sulla base delle statistiche e dei sondaggi elaborati, qual è stato il feedback dell'opinione pubblica estera in relazione alla risposta della Chiesa (locale e del Vaticano) e a quel preciso periodo temporale in cui la vicenda si stava evolvendo. Questa modalità riflette una questione fondamentale dell'intera vicenda, ovvero, non essendo ancora conclusa la questione degli abusi (sia da parte della Chiesa Cattolica sia in termini di risoluzione dei casi) al momento non si dispongono di cifre esatte per poter fare una stima circa l'efficacia (o meno) delle strategie di gestione del discredito applicate dalla Chiesa Cattolica. La metodologia impiegata per lo studio sugli articoli è di tipo qualitativo, ovvero, ricorrendo a un'analisi semantica e lessicale con cui abbiamo individuato le parole-chiave, le espressioni maggiormente ricorrenti e i temi (come il dibattito sull'istruzione della Crimen Sollicitationis) collegati alla vicenda; in tal senso, abbiamo applicato lo studio condotto da Dardano (1973) per l'analisi del linguaggio dei giornali. Tra le fonti impiegate per la nostra ricerca abbiamo tenuto conto, come già detto, della documentazione pubblicata on line (dai singoli quotidiani come approfondimenti agli articoli), di quella consultabile negli archivi digitali delle diocesi straniere e di quella reperibile nel sito del Vaticano. Inoltre per quanto concerne il materiale estrapolato dalla "rete" disponiamo: 1. Delle perizie psichiatriche, dei referti medici e delle lettere di corrispondenza tra i vari livelli delle gerarchie ecclesiastiche americane. 2. Dei rapporti delle varie commissioni di inchiesta, come ad esempio: il Rapporto Ryan (maggio 2009), il Rapporto Murphy (novembre 2009) e il Cloyne Report (luglio 2011) diffusi in Irlanda a seguito delle indagini condotte negli istituti religiosi, nelle diocesi del territorio sui casi di abusi sessuali contro i minori e impiegati come strumenti di repressione e prevenzione del fenomeno. Altro esempio è il John Jay Report, uno studio condotto dal John Jay College of Criminal Justice dell'Università di New York, commissionato dalla Conferenza Episcopale dei Vescovi d'America Abbiamo estrapolato i regolamenti, le normative promulgate dalle diocesi locali in materia di gestione dei casi di abuso e nell'ambito della tutela dei diritti dei minori. Alcuni esempi sono: il Framework Document del 1996 (dall'Irlanda), oppure, le Essential Norms promulgate nel 2002 dalla Conferenza Episcopale Americana. 3. Dei discorsi ufficiali, dei comunicati stampa e degli interventi pubblici di Papa Giovanni Paolo II, di Papa Benedetto XVI e di alcuni esponenti del Vaticano. Abbiamo, inoltre, le trascrizioni degli interventi del Papa durante gli incontri con le vittime e durante i viaggi compiuti nei Paesi in cui si sono verificati gli episodi di abusi. 4. Delle normative e dei regolamenti canonici in materia di tutela dei minori dal 1962 ad oggi. Come approfondimento per valutare gli effetti che i casi hanno prodotto in Italia abbiamo raccolto anche una prima serie di interviste, realizzate in Italia e a New York e in Irlanda a giornalisti e vaticanisti che si sono interessati alla vicenda. Ricordiamo qualche nome dall'Italia: Marco Tosatti (La Stampa), Marco Politi (Il Fatto Quotidiano), Stefano Maria Paci (Skytg24) e Andrea Tornielli (La Stampa). Dagli Stati Uniti abbiamo invece: Luciano Clerico, Emanuele Riccardi e Alessandra Baldini (inviati dell'agenzia di stampa Ansa) e Monsignor Lorenzo Albacete (Teologo e giornalista del New Yorker ed editorialista del New York Times). Come testimonianza della situazione irlandese, abbiamo invece un'intervista a Gerard O'Connell (giornalista e collaboratore dell'Irish Times). ; The main theme of our project research is about the sociological dynamics of the discredit as a result of the sexual abuse scandal in the Catholic Church; in particular we consider the mass media coverage on the topic from January 2002 to March 2010. Our start point is January 9th, 2002 when the american newspaper, The Boston Globe published an investigation about a sexual abuse case in the Boston Archdiocese. Then, we considered the development of the issue in the american dioceses and in the other European countries too; from all the cases that happened, we decided to consider the Irish situation. The reasons that moved our decision depends on whether the case began in the United States by the newspaper and throughout the development of all the case, the american mass media played the part as opinion leader within international scenario, not only not only for the politics which have been adopted to contrast the phenomenon (among the many, the "zero tolerance" one), either for the adoption of first specific rules concerning the defense of child's rights. The focus in Ireland has been, whereas, set out by the strong Catholic tradition across the nation . The choice of both the USA and Ireland, is motivated by some major reasons seeming to pool the two countries together: first of all, the phenomenon size (namely in the USA from 1950 to 2002, 4392 cases of sexual abuse onto minors have been reported ; while in Ireland between 1965 and 1005, more than 100 sexual abuses complaints have been registered on 21 priests operating in the Ferns diocese itself ). Another following aspect, whereas, refers to the US mass media interest (and the Irish ones as well) about the representation of the occurrence, often presented in "tabloid terms" whose facts occurred over thirty years ago, are now presented as still topical Eventually, the first lawsuits started out in the US, which in several cases have brought the local dioceses to serious financial problems, as these were supposed to refund the victims; in addition there are allegations to the Vatican and the Pope (in fact, in September 2011 the "SNAP" one of the major victims' association submitted a petition to the Aia court against Benedict XVI, cardinals Tarcisio Bertone and Angelo Sodano and the former congregation chief officer, William Levada ). In Ireland the scenario is quite similar to the above mentioned one, the data from the Ferns Report highlighted the same modus operandi in the local dioceses, which, in most cases offered the victims generous monetary refunds to keep the cases from becoming a scandal for the diocese's sake or the entire Catholic church. The work is divided into three sections: in the first one we treated the theory of the credibility, in particular focusing the Catholic Church credibility and the relationship between the priest and the abused minors. Afterwards we analyzed the news' construction modes, considering the news making process and the news values either, employed for the representation of facts on the Italian and also foreign newspapers' behalf. At last, we talked about the construction of the moral panics and the relationship with the Griswold theory on the construction of the social problems by the mass media influence. Finally, we confronted the "moral panic" issue being spotted from Griswold's study about the construction of a social issue in relation to the media role and influence within this process (Griswold 1997). In the second part of this work we have applied the news values categories, newspapers thematization strategies and the moral panic in the reconstruction of the abuses in Ireland and in the USA. In order to offer a wider pattern of the single facts, we have elaborated a short historical reconstruction based on the documents produced and issued by some official sources such as: the Holy See official website, medical reports, governmental investigations and enquiries carried out by local dioceses and judiciary authorities. Due to the enormous amount of material produced by the press organs during all of these years, we have picked out two typologies of journalism articles: - For the foreign newspapers we have chosen the editorial, as the journalistic form able to express the newspaper's editorial management. The newspapers employed as sources are under this division: a. For the United States, we recall: The Boston Globe and The New York Times; b. For Ireland, we have : The Irish Times; As far as the analysis of the Italian articles, we have, whereas, selected the three Italian most read newspapers: Il Corriere della Sera, La Repubblica and La Stampa. Besides the historical and media reconstruction of the major abuse cases, we examined the response moving from the Roman Catholic church within its various levels, considering the public interventions, the decisions and the significant gestures by evaluating any analogy and difference in the action brought on over the years by the Popes John Paul II and Benedict XVI. In this acceptation we have referred to a voluminous documentation available on the Vatican official website. The outcomes of this analysis refer to two sharp fields. Firstly, we have examined the effects produced by the media, analyzing them onto two different hands: first of all through a self-referring perspective, either evaluating any change of position with respect to the occurrences following one another, and at the end, with respect to the public opinion, taking as standards the popularity surveys and the ratings of trust and consensus towards the Catholic church. Second to this, based on the statistics and the elaborated surveys we considered what was the feedback from the foreign public opinion related to the church's response (locally and from the Vatican either) and to that precise time lap where the deeds were taking turns. This modality reflects one fundamental question of the whole matter, that is, since the question of the abuses has not been resolved yet (both from the church behalf and in terms of resolution of the facts) at the moment there is no reliable numbers to estimate the efficiency or not of the discredit management strategies applied by the Catholic church. The methodology employed in this study is qualitative, namely a semantic and lexical analysis through we have found out the key words, the most redundant expressions and the themes (like the debate about the constitution of the "Crimen Sollicitationis") related to the occurrence; in this acceptation we have applied the study carried out by Dardano for the analysis of newspapers' language. Among the sources employed for our research we held in consideration, as previously said, the online edited documentation (by single newspapers as deeper examination on the articles) those available in the digital archives of the foreign dioceses as well the one at disposal on the Vatican website. In addition, as far as the material excerpted from the "web" we have: 1. psychiatric examinations, medical reports and mail letters exchanged among the various levels of the American clergy hierarchy. 2. Several reports from the enquiry boards, for instance: Ryan Report (May 2009), Murphy Report (November 2009), Cloyne Report (July 2011) released in Ireland after the investigations carried out in religious institutes and facilities, in the local diocese on sexual abuses cases onto minors and employed as repression and prevention means of the phenomenon. Another example is the John Jay Report, a study performed by the John Jay College of Criminal Justice, within the New York University, commissioned by the American Episcopal Conference. We have excepted regulations, rules enacted by local dioceses concerning the management of abuse cases and the safeguard of minors' rights. Some of the examples are the Framework Document, 1996, (from Ireland) and the Essential Norms promulgated in 2002 by the American Episcopal Conference. 3. Public speeches, press communications and public appearances by the Popes John Paul II and Benedict XVI, as well as by other Vatican exponents. Also we have the transcriptions from the Pope's statements during the meetings with the victims and the journeys in the countries where the abuses had occurred. 4. Canonical regulations and norms regarding the minors' rights safeguard from to 1962 up to our days. As a deeper examinations in order to evaluate the effects that these cases produced in Italy, we collected a series of interviews too, carried out in Italy, in New York and in Ireland to journalists and vaticanists getting interested in this occurrence. We recall some name from Italy: Marco Tosatti (La Stampa), Marco Politi (Il Fatto Quotidiano), Stefano Maria Paci (Skytg24) and Andrea Tornielli (La Stampa). From the United States we have: Luciano Clerico, Emanuele Riccardi and Alessandra Baldini (reporters from the press agency Ansa) and Monsignor Lorenzo Albacete (Teologist and journalist for New Yorker and editorialist for New York Times). As a testimony for the Irish situation we have an interview to Gerard O'Connell (journalist and collaborator for the Irish Times). ; Dottorato di ricerca in Sociologia e Ricerca Sociale (XXIV ciclo)
This doctoral thesis aims to reconstruct the political, economic and social of the events linked to the Sardinian industrial planning, with specific attention to the mining sector, in a period of time that fits the end of World War II until the nineties of the twentieth century. The multiplicity of public and private archival sources and press gave rise to a complex research of different archives and libraries present time on the territory of Sardinia and Rome. In particular, we analyzed the cards of these archives: the Sardinian Regional Council Historic Archive (Cagliari), the Archive of Filcem (Iglesias), Historical Archive Mining Igea Spa (Iglesias), Historical Archive Eni (Rome-Pomezia ), Central State Archive (Rome), Historical Archive of the CISL Sarda (Cagliari), on the basis of the parliamentary records produced by the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. The method of comparison among political extracting documents, economic and trade union allowed to have a bigger picture and capable of restoring the complex historical issues that have given rise to the story of mining in Sardinia in the late twentieth century. My research, through an analysis of the bibliographic and archival materials, has focused on industrial policy, due to the experience of the "Revival Plan" and the subsequent intervention of the national and regional level public sector in favor of the Sardinian mining. The first chapter of the thesis provides an overview of the role played by the mining policies provided by Revival Plan in the processes of development after World War II up to the dynamic processes that led to the advent of the initiative public during the period between the late sixties and early seventies. The history of the Sardinian economic development and policies aimed at relaunching the mining sector, as is clear from the analysis of archival documents and works of contemporary historiography, is fully part of economic planning in the actions taken by the central and regional institutions to allow the re-launch economically depressed structures in the South. The issues socio-economic backwardness of the island and the stagnation of regional industrial structures, as in the case of the mining sector, had raised public awareness on the problems of the island's economic structure, highlighting the need for economic planning that basasse on the industrial development of the territory. Faced with this scenario, the political and trade union circles islanders after World War II supported a platform of demands for "economic and social revival of Sardinia" that, based on the treatises of Article 13 of the special statute of Sardinia (26 February 1948), It was to contribute to the development of economic structures of Sardinia across the planner action of central and regional institutions. The reports provided by the trade unions and the documentation kept at the Historical Archives of the Regional Council of the rest to highlight ways in the mining sector vigesse a very precarious socio-economic situation, which could conflict with the preparation of a program of development based on the intervention of the initiative public. Within this scenario, the action of the Sardinian politicians and trade unions, in the second half of the forties and until the approval of Law No. 588, contributed to the involvement of mining activities in the area planning phases of the Plan rebirth, since in their view represented the premise for achieving socio-economic development under Article 13, and the subsequent Sardinian mining industry growth in the economic scenario of the national / local level. The timing and modalities of implementation of the Revival Plan, nevertheless, negatively engraved on expectations of mining areas fulfilling commitments under Article 13 of the Special Statute. An analysis of labor relations and in the acts of the Regional Council of Sardinia emerges as trade unions and political leaders of the opposition parties stigmatizzassero delays of regional and national institutions, which in their judgment penalizing the industrial policies designed to raise industry regional mining. The sixties, though they were marked by the approval of Law No. 588 and the preparation of a series of measures for the expansion and the consequent restructuring of the sector Metal (as in the case of the regional decision of March 1968 which established the Ente mining Sardo), were instead characterized by a deepening crisis of the mining areas and the failure of the objectives of the "Revival Plan" ,. Despite the establishment of development programs for metallic mineral products, the analysis of the bibliographic and archival complex revealed that the absence of an adequate industrial policy by national Governments and Regional had penalized the nature objectives socio- provided for by the economic Revival Plan and aggravated the precarious conditions of the mining sector, which at the end of the sixties will be marked by a progressive advertising. In this regard, the contributions produced by contemporary historiography and archival sources made it possible to provide an overview on the guidelines of mining policies in the season of the "Revival Plan" and placed in evidence the limits of economic planning pursued in the course of the sixties and the criticality of the relationship between national and regional bodies. The system of relations between the State and the Region, in this scenario, will be a key element in the interventions in support of the mining industry, whose consequences (political, economic and social) they recorded substantially in the economic dynamics of the seventies.In the second chapter, after providing an in-depth analysis on the mining policies of the local area / national aftermath of the publicity of the mining sector, I tried to reconstruct the process that would have marked the phases of the public initiative, pausing on policies industrial assumed by national and regional institutions during the seventies. During the conference of Grosseto (1970), Florence (1972) and Cagliari, political and trade union circles of national and regional level had argued that the public sector action could represent a growth factor for the development of the mining sector of the island. Industrial processes put in place by EMSA dall'Egam and constituted in this regard an important milestone for the relaunch of the mining industry and occupational island, even though the policy measures of the national / regional level could not provide solutions to the crisis mining industry. Regional and state authorities, as the analysis of archival documents and literature produced during the decade between the end of the seventies and the eighties, did not intervene in a unified manner, a circumstance that caused numerous conflicts of competence which caused a expenditure of financial resources and that there was a reorganization of the productive activity and a resolution of social and business problems. The industrial policy decisions taken at the end of the seventies, in relation to the acts produced by the Regional Council and the trade unions belonging to the CGIL and CISL, were marked by the rescue and by the advance of the mining activities of the Eni group, which in fact accentuated the dependence of the regional industrial system from the system of State holdings, Following the approval of Law 279/1978, Eni took over the liquidator Committee of Ex Egam society and strove to the restructuring of the mining sector, with the establishment of the Equity Mining and Metallurgical Company (Samim), where the confluence of part of Mining companies belonging to the Ente Sardo (PiomboZincifera Sarda) and all'Egam (Ammi Sarda and Sogersa). The late seventies and early Eighties marked a stage where the doubts and uncertainties continued to demand payment in the sector Metal Sulcis-Iglesias and the consequent challenge to the system of companies with public participation, taking a function of rescue of marginal businesses and financially distressed. In the third and final chapter I finally analyzed the public final stages of the intervention of State Holdings through the Eni group initiative until disposal of the mining sector and the consequent industrial conversion of mining areas. Through the study of the testimonies contained in the local newspapers and the memories of the major trade union leaders of the period, I was able to rebuild the profile of the mining disputes within the mining companies and Samim and Sim up to the progressive abandonment of the metalliferous resources from public groups they had to provide for the restructuring of the metal mines of Sulcis- Iglesiente and Guspini. Examination of Historical Archive documentation of the CISL Sarda and Central State Archives and newspaper it was possible to detect a new heightened interest of national, regional and trade unions on the problems of the mining area, aimed at a revival of the mining sector local through the allocation of substantial funding and the provision of a series of legislative measures, such as the national mining law 752/1982, aimed at the exploitation of mineral resources in respect of the supply of domestic raw materials. Within this context, the restructuring of the mining sector and the consequent downsizing of the workforce employed in the Sulcis, following the industrial policies adopted by Eni, caused the resumption of the platform of demands on the political and regional trade union front, with the aim of respond to the dismantling of the mining and non-compliance of the national government and the State holdings. Within this dramatic scenario, the financial situation of the Samim brought to light the public failure of the initiative in the development policies of the Metal area of Sulcis-Iglesiente. Facing the collapse of the mining sector they isolate the provident Eni Group demerged Samim in 1986, dividing it into two parts and forming the Italian Mines Company (Sim) for the mining sector and New Samim for the metallurgical industry, with the aim to separate the "losing" sectors from the sectors in which Eni active prospects could return from an industrial point of view. Despite measures taken by Eni, the state and regional intervention experience in the mining sector had its epilogue in the nineties, when it began the gradual disposal of mining and started the process of environmental rehabilitation of mining areas characterized from disused mining activities or undergoing decommissioning. In the second half of the nineties ended the programmatic experience Mining Ente Sardo, a factor that gave way to the launching of regional and national legislative measures aimed at revitalizing, remediation, and historical and cultural development of the regional mining heritage by Igea Company SpA and of the Geo-mining Park.
Negli anni recenti, lo studio del fenomeno mafioso ha trovato sempre più "cittadinanza accademica", attraverso una feconda pluralità di discipline e di approcci, sia in Italia sia nel resto del mondo. Sulla definizione di mafia, gli autori hanno sviluppato un ricco dibattito capace di intrecciare sensibilità e prospettive diverse: la mafia come cultura, la mafia come ordinamento giuridico, la mafia come impresa, la mafia come organizzazione. La letteratura, tuttavia, mostra un vuoto rilevante nella descrizione di quei fenomeni che presentano caratteristiche simili al modello mafioso, ma che non posseggono la storicità, i modelli di autorappresentazione, i codici culturali definiti e specifici che contraddistinguono le mafie. Eppure, lo scenario criminale attuale restituisce un quadro effervescente, popolato di compenetrazioni e ibridazioni tra modelli e organizzazioni, disegnando contesti in cui i confini tra legale e legale sono sempre più labili e indecifrabili. Le domande di ricerca della presente tesi indagano proprio il confine tra il fenomeno mafioso e altre manifestazioni criminali, nonché la possibilità per cui gruppi criminali senza alcun legame con organizzazioni mafiosi sviluppino sistemi di condotte prossimi a quelle più tipicamente espressi dalle mafie sia nei territori tradizionali sia in quelli di più recente insediamento; in particolare, si indagano i fattori di contesto – istituzionali, economici, sociali e culturali – che facilitano la nascita spontanea su un territorio di queste forme autoctone di criminalità organizzata. A un tentativo di risposta si giunge attraverso l'analisi di due casi di studio localizzati nelle valli di Bergamo, provincia a circa 50 chilometri di distanza da Milano, nel Nord Italia. Il primo è il comune di Foppolo, un piccolo villaggio dell'alta valle Brembana (180 abitanti circa), al centro di una importante inchiesta della procura di Bergamo, in cui un gruppo di amministratori locali e imprenditori, dotati di forte legittimazione e consenso, ha monopolizzato la vita economica e amministrativa per oltre un decennio, attraverso pratiche collusive, di micro-violenza e di controllo sociale. Il secondo caso di studio riguarda la Locatelli Costruzioni, storica impresa di Grumello del Monte, località della Val Calepio, che ha sviluppato in modo sistematico pratiche di smaltimento illecito di rifiuti (attività tradizionale della mafia) e di corruzione, costruendo uno strettissimo rapporto col tessuto sociale di riferimento, fatto di controllo del mercato locale del lavoro, legittimazione e giustificazione. In entrambe le vicende, si delinea una istituzionalizzazione delle pratiche illecite. I due casi di studio sono analizzati attraverso una ricerca qualitativa basata su un dataset di circa 30 interviste semi-strutturate a magistrati, poliziotti, giornalisti, sindacalisti, amministratori locali, funzionari pubblici, e sull'analisi di atti giudiziari, documenti istituzionali, archivi di giornale. La cornice teorica di riferimento, d'impronta sociologica, attinge agli studi specifici in materia di organizzazioni criminali e si combina alla sociologia dell'organizzazione e alla sociologia economica. Incrociando le risultanze dei casi di studio con la letteratura sui temi di mafia, criminalità organizzata e criminalità economica, e fornito un tentativo di risposta alle domande di ricerca, lo scopo conclusivo dell'elaborato è giungere una comparazione tra i tratti peculiari – consolidati in letteratura – del modello mafioso e gli output dei casi di studio nei medesimi tratti, al fine di osservare punti di contatto e differenze, e per elaborare l'appropriata definizione applicabile ai fenomeni osservati. Ciò che verrà messo in evidenza – in costante ottica comparativa con le definizioni consolidate di mafia – sono dunque i fattori di genesi, la morfologia organizzativa, le similitudini e le differenze con le mafie tradizionali nel modus operandi, nell'amministrazione della violenza e nel profilo degli attori, la centralità del capitale sociale e del rapporto con la comunità in cui il fenomeno si inserisce. ; In the last years, the study of the mafia phenomenon has increasingly found an 'academic citizenship' through a prolific plurality of disciplines and approaches. Around the definition of mafia, scholars have developed a rich debate that has intertwined different sensibilities and perspectives: mafia as a culture, mafia as a legal order, mafia as a power, mafia as a company, mafia as an organization. Scientific literature, however, shows a significant void in the description of criminal experiences that have characteristics similar to the mafia model but are not attributable to the mafia, i.e. to organizations characterized by historicity, by models of self-representation, by defined and specific cultural codes. Yet, the current criminal scenario returns an effervescent 'picture', populated by interpenetrations and hybridizations between models and organizations, offering contexts in which the boundaries between legal and legal are increasingly blurred and indecipherable. The research questions of the thesis, therefore, investigate the boundary between and other criminal phenomena and the possibility that criminal groups without any link with mafia organizations develop systems of conduct close to those most typically expressed by mafia organizations. In particular, we investigate the 'contextual factors' (institutional, economic, social and cultural factors) that facilitate the spontaneous 'birth' on a territory of these peculiar, autochthonous criminal groups. To try to answer these questions we have chosen two case studies located in the valleys of Bergamo, a province about 50 kilometres away from Milan, in Northern Italy. The first case concerns the municipality of Foppolo, a small village in the upper Brembana valley (about 180 inhabitants), in which a group of local administrators and entrepreneurs, endowed with strong legitimation and consent, has monopolized economic and administrative local life for over a decade, through a collusive system and practices of micro-violence and social control. The second case study concerns the 'Locatelli Construction', a company from Grumello del Monte, a town in the Val Calepio, founded in 1950s, which – simultaneously to the great economic crisis of 2007-2008 – has systematically developed illegal waste disposal (a traditional activity of mafia groups) and corruption, through a very close relationship with the surrounding social fabric, made up of control of the local labour market, connections with local politicians, symbolic violence, legitimation and justificationism. Both events outline an institutionalization of illicit practices. The two case studies are analysed through a qualitative research based on a dataset of about 30 semi-structured interviews with judges, police officers, journalists, trade unionists, officials, and on the analysis of judicial documents, institutional reports, newspapers archives. The theoretical framework (a sociological framework) draws from specific studies on criminal organizations and is combined with the sociology of the organization and economic sociology. Crossing the results of the case studies with the literature on mafia, the final aim of the thesis is to reach a comparison between the peculiar features of mafia model and the outputs from case studies, in order to observe points of contact and differences, and to elaborate the appropriate definition of the observed phenomena.
Rad donosi podatke o Samueleu Mayländeru (1866. – 1925.), socijalističkom vođi kasnohabsburške Rijeke, i njegovoj obitelji. Mayländeri su bili podrijetlom židovi iz jugozapadne Ugarske, doseljeni u Rijeku krajem 19. stoljeća. Doseljeni Mayländeri uspješno seintegriraju i asimiliraju u riječko i sjevernojadransko građansko društvo, neki udajom za pripadnike građanskih obitelji i obraćenjem na katoličku vjeroispovijest, a drugi uspješnim poslovnim karijerama. Zbog pomanjkanja primarne građe teško je dati odgovor na jezične prakse među pripadnicima obitelji. Ipak, iz objavljenih nekrologa u riječkim novinama, dokumentacije iz gimnazijskih dana i bračnih veza može se zaključiti kako je obitelj bila višejezična. Istraživanje je biografije samoga Samuelea Mayländera problematično jer, također, ne posjedujemo građu iz koje možemo neposredno razabrati njegove političke, nacionalne ili vjerske preferencije. Svakako, Samuele Mayländer bio je socijalističkoga opredjeljenja, kasnije i prvi predsjednik Komunističke partije Rijeka, ali i ličnost koja je bila pod utjecajem dominantne riječke talijanske kulturne paradigme. Studij medicine u Beču, javna angažiranost i politička aktivnost ukazuju na Mayländerova opredjeljenja, ali, kao i ugarsko židovsko obiteljsko podrijetlo, i na njegovu višejezičnost. Na kraju, rad prati biografske podatke o Pavlu Kirchenknopfu, metalurškom radniku rodom iz Ugarske, koji početkom 20. stoljeća doseljava u Pulu i kasnije s obitelji u Rijeku. U Rijeci je Pavle Kirchenknopf označen kao socijalistički, odnosno komunistički aktivist i takav zapamćen od lokalne historiografije. Biografija Pavla Kirchenknopfa korisna je za propitkivanje spoznaja o osobama radničkoga podrijetla i pitanja njihovih jezičnih praksi. Prema sporadičnoj građi, iz matičnih knjiga rođenih u Puli i migracijama Kirchenknopfa može se pretpostaviti kako se obitelj služila s više jezika. Zaključno, rad ukazuje na to kako pored pitanja višejezičnosti, socijalne i ekonomske teškoće trebaju biti uzete u obzir u društvenim i kulturnim povijestima sjevernoga Jadrana u kasnohabsburškom razdoblju, teškoće koje ostaju u pozadini idealiziranjem višejezičnoga habsburškog svijeta. ; The article provides data on Samuele Mayländer (1866–1925), socialist leader in late Habsburg Fiume/Rijeka, and his family. The Mayländer family were Jews from southwestern Hungary who had settled in Rijeka at the end of the nineteenth century. Following their move, the Mayländers successfully integrated and assimilated into the bourgeois society of Fiume/Rijeka and the northern Adriatic, some marrying members of bourgeois families and converting to Roman Catholicism, others having successful professional careers. The lack of primary sources makes it difficult to delineate language use among members of the family. However, through quoted obituaries in Rijeka's newspapers, data of the local gymnasium, and marriages, it can be concluded that the family was multilingual. Research on Samuele Mayländer's biography in particular is problematic since, again, there are no primary sources to understand his national, religious, or political preferences. However, it is clear that Samuele was a dedicated socialist. Later in life, he was the first president of Fiume/Rijeka's communist party, but also someone under the influence of Fiume/ Rijeka's dominant Italian cultural paradigm. His medical studies in Vienna, his public engagement and political activities, display Mayländer's sympathies, but also his Hungarian Jewish family background, his multilingualism. Finally, the article follows the biographic data of Paolo Kirchenknopf, a metal worker from Hungary who, at the beginning of the twentieth century, emigrated to Pula, and with his family later moved to Fiume/Rijeka. In Fiume/Rijeka, Kirchenknopf is marked as a socialist – more precisely as a communist activist – and is remembered as such in local historiography. The biography of Kirchenknopf is useful in that it allows one to gain knowledge about figures from working-class backgrounds and their linguistic practices. Based on various, scattered sources – from records of birth in Pula and Kirchenknopf's migrations – it can be estimated that this family used more than one language. In conclusion, the article points out how, aside from the question of multilingualism, social and economic difficulties have to be taken into account in the social and cultural histories of the northern Adriatic in the late Habsburg period – difficulties that remain in the background by idealizing the multilinguistic Habsburg world. ; Il saggio offre notizie su Samuele Mayländer (1866–1925) leader socialista della Fiume tardo asburgica e sulla sua famiglia. I Mayländer erano ebrei originari dall'Ungheria sudoccidentale, immigrati a Fiume verso la fine del 19 secolo. Gli immigrati Mayländer si integrano e assimilano con successo nella società borghese fiumana e nord adriatica alcuni sposandosi con membri di famiglie borghesi e convertendosi al cattolicesimo, altri intraprendendo carriere di successo. Causa la mancanza di fonti primarie è difficile desumere le pratiche linguistiche dei membri della famiglia. Tramite necrologi pubblicati nei giornali fiumani, documenti del periodo ginnasiale e i matrimoni, è possibile desumere che la famiglia era plurilinguistica. La ricerca sulla biografia di Samuele Mayländer è pure problematica perché non possediamo documentazione che possa in modo diretto farci desumere le sue preferenze politiche, nazionali, religiose o politiche. Certamente, Samuele Mayländer si considerava socialista, successivamente fu primo presidente del Partito comunista di Fiume, ma anche una personalità influenzata dal paradigma culturale italiano fiumano. Lo studio di medicina a Vienna, l'impegno pubblico e l'attività politica, dimostrano le simpatie del Mayländer ma, come le sue origini famigliari ebraiche ungheresi, anche il suo plurilinguismo. Infine, l'articolo segue i dati biografici su Paolo Kirchenkopf, operaio metallurgico originario dall'Ungheria che all'inizio del 20 secolo emigra a Pola e di seguito, con la famiglia, a Fiume. A Fiume Paolo Kirchenkopf è etichettato come attivista socialista ossia comunista e come tale ricordato dalla locale storiografia. La biografia di Paolo Kirchenkopf è utile per conoscere le biografie delle persone di estrazione operaia e la questione della loro passi linguistica. In base a documentazione sporadica, libri di nascita di Pola e le migrazioni dei Kirchenknopf, si può ipotizzare che la famiglia si serviva di più lingue. In conclusione, il lavoro indica come accanto alla questione del plurilinguismo le difficoltà sociali ed economiche devono essere prese in considerazione nelle storie sociali e culturali dell'alto Adriatico nel tardo periodo asburgico, difficoltà che rimangonoi sullo sfondo dell'idealizzato mondo plurilinguistico asburgico.
Unanimously the international research recognizes the fundamental role of the media in the affirmation of the phenomenon of stalking in the U.S.A., beginning from its same labelling. Star-stalking cases, accomplice the notoriety of the victims, has represented a starting point of the media interest that next has allowed to discover the prevalence of these conducts among the general population. The progressive social visibility of the phenomenon, promoted through the media, has produced the recognition of the stalking as a criminal problem, pushing the common law countries legislators to the creation of specific anti-stalking legislation. The research intends to investigate the role of the Italian media in the process of social and juridical affirmation of stalking, ended with the approval of the DL 23 February 2009 n.11 and the consequent introduction of the article 612-bis c.p. "Atti persecutori". The relationship between stalking and media in Italy, the relevance and the importance of the progressive change of social visibility, considering the particular way of working of the media, has been investigated through the collection and the analysis of the articles published since 1992 to November 2009 on Corriere della Sera, main national diffusion daily paper, and on Quotidiano.net, that brings the news of different local journalistic headings (Resto del Carlino, La Nazione, Il Giorno). The 506 selected articles, 293 published on Corriere della Sera (57,9%) e 213 on Quotidiano.net (42,1%), have globally been submitted to a first level of analysis based on the context of the article, the typology of content, the ability of recognition and the language used to define the behaviors. The second level of analysis has involved only news articles, studied through valutative analysis grids about victims, stalkers, typology of relationship, star-stalking cases and presence of violent behaviors. The typology of article mostly diffused on newspapers results to be the chronicle, that represents the 84,6% of the total. Popular and/or scientific ones represent the 7,7% of the total as medium value of the period, but their diffusion results constant only starting from 2001. The political news are the 5,7% of the total and they are recognisable starting from 2006. The use of the term stalking appears constantly among the media from 2002 with a progressive increasement in the next years (44% in 2007; 52,1% in 2008; 94% in 2009), representing by now the defining term of the phenomenon. Among 449 victims, found from 1992 to 2009, 372 (82,9%) are women. Among 440 stalker, found from 1992 to 2009, 84,3% are men and only 15,7% women. More than half of the stalkers was an ex-partner of the victim (51,2%). The stalker results to be an acquaintance in 24,3% of the cases and a perfect stranger in 24,5%. On 428 chronicle articles selected since 1992 to 2009, more than the half (51,4%) describes stories of stalking connotated by violent behaviors: physical injuries, assaults (also sexual), tempted and consumed homicides. ; La ricerca internazionale concordemente riconosce il ruolo determinante dei media nel percorso di affermazione del fenomeno dello stalking in U.S.A., a partire dal suo stesso "etichettamento". I casi di star-stalking, complice la notorietà delle vittime, hanno rappresentato un iniziale polarizzatore mediatico che ha successivamente permesso la riconoscibilità delle condotte di molestie a danno della popolazione comune. La progressiva visibilità sociale del fenomeno, promossa per via mediale, ha poi determinato il riconoscimento dello stalking quale problematica di rilevanza penale, spingendo il legislatore anglosassone all'emanazione di apposite leggi anti-stalking. Alla luce di queste considerazioni, lo studio qui presentato intende indagare il ruolo dei media italiani nel processo di affermazione sociale e giuridica dello stalking, culminato con l'approvazione del DL 23 febbraio 2009 n.11 e la conseguente introduzione dell'art. 612-bis c.p. "Atti persecutori". Alla luce di queste considerazioni, lo studio qui presentato intende indagare il ruolo dei media italiani nel processo di affermazione sociale e giuridica dello stalking, culminato con l'approvazione del DL 23 febbraio 2009 n.11 e la conseguente introduzione dell'art. 612-bis c.p. "Atti persecutori". Il rapporto tra stalking e mass media in Italia, l'entità e l'importanza del progressivo mutamento della sua osservabilità sociale, anche, e soprattutto, alla luce del peculiare funzionamento dei media è stato indagato mediante la raccolta e l'analisi degli articoli pubblicati dal gennaio 1992 all'aprile 2009 sul Corriere della Sera, principale quotidiano a diffusione nazionale, e su Quotidiano.net, che riporta le notizie di diverse testate giornalistiche a diffusione locale (Resto del Carlino, La Nazione, Il Giorno). I 506 articoli selezionati, 293 pubblicati sul Corriere della Sera (pari al 57,9%) e 213 su Quotidiano.net (pari al 42,1%), sono stati globalmente sottoposti a un primo livello di analisi basato sul contesto dell'articolo, ovvero la tipologia di contenuto, la capacità di riconoscimento e il linguaggio utilizzato per la definizione delle condotte. Il secondo livello di analisi ha coinvolto i soli articoli di cronaca, sottoposti a griglie valutative riguardanti le vittime, gli stalker, la tipologia di relazione intercorrente tra gli stessi, i casi di star-stalking e la ricorrenza di condotte violente. La tipologia di articolo maggiormente diffusa sui quotidiani risulta essere la cronaca, che rappresenta l'84,6% del totale.Gli articoli di tipo divulgativo e/o scientifico rappresentano il 7,7% del totale quale media del periodo, ma la loro diffusione sui quotidiani risulta costante solo a partire dal 2001. Le notizie di tipo politico rappresentano il 5,7% del totale e sono rintracciabili solo a partire dal 2006. L'uso del termine stalking da parte dei media risulta costante a partire dal 2002 con un aumento progressivo negli anni successivi (44% nel 2007; 52,1% nel 2008; 94% nel 2009) tanto da rappresentare, ormai, il termine di riferimento del fenomeno. Su 449 vittime individuate dal 1992 al 2009, ben 372 (pari all'82,9%) sono donne. Su 440 stalker individuati tra il 1992 e il 2009 l'84,3% sono uomini e solo il 15,7% donne. Più della metà degli stalker era un ex-partner della vittima (51,2%). Lo stalker risulta essere un conoscente della vittima nel 24,3% dei casi e un perfetto sconosciuto nel 24,5%. Su 428 articoli di cronaca selezionati dal 1992 al 2009, più della metà (51,4%) riportano vicende di stalking marcatamente connotate da condotte violente: percosse, lesioni personali, aggressioni (anche sessuali), omicidi tentati e consumati.
L'amministrazione generale della maggior parte degli stati europei si rafforzò e modernizzò nel corso del XIX secolo. In questo contesto, la creazione di nuove forze di polizia consolidò la penetrazione capillare degli stati in tutto il territorio. Dal 1861 il giovane Stato italiano poté disporre dei Carabinieri Reali e delle unità della Pubblica Sicurezza. Nell'ambito di un'analisi di lungo periodo sulla creazione e distribuzione degli Uffici della Pubblica Sicurezza (1862-1914), realizzata sulla base dei dati del Calendario Generale del Regno, questa tesi di dottorato mostra che la Sicilia è stata la regione in cui la polizia italiana era maggiormente presente. Gli agenti della Pubblica Sicurezza inviati nei piccoli villaggi siciliani non potevano contare su corpi di polizia alle loro dipendenze dirette. Di conseguenza, erano costretti ad adeguarsi e riadattare la loro posizione a vari problemi di ordine pubblico, non solo per quanto riguardava le esigenze della popolazione, ma anche le rivalità amministrative tra fazioni, l'antagonismo e la collaborazione con altre forze di polizia, le richieste specifiche dei superiori, dei parlamentari e dei notabili locali. Il caso di studio della tesi si muove nel contesto di questa analisi di lungo periodo, concentrandosi sugli anni 1896-1897. Il 3 marzo 1896, dopo la sconfitta di Adua, Francesco Crispi si dimise dalla presidenza del Consiglio italiano. Il 10 dello stesso mese Antonio Starabba, marchese di Rudinì, fu nominato alla guida di un governo conservatore. La penisola italiana era afflitta da gravi problemi economici. La situazione era particolarmente delicata in Sicilia: sia la produzione di agrumi che il settore minerario risentivano di una profonda crisi economica. Come se la crisi non bastasse, violente rivalità politiche turbavano le città dell'isola, costituendo una seria minaccia per l'ordine pubblico. Di Rudinì aveva un progetto chiaro e ottenne l'approvazione di un Regio Decreto che istituiva un Regio Commissariato Civile in Sicilia, una sorta di luogotenenza della Corona. Il 5 aprile 1896, il senatore Giovanni Codronchi Argeli, originario dell'Emilia Romagna, fu nominato Regio Commissario Civile e Ministro senza portafoglio. Per via del Regio Decreto, convertito in legge nel mese di luglio, tutte le province, i comuni e le prefetture siciliane vennero posti sotto la sua autorità per un anno. Attraverso il prisma della polizia è possibile analizzare concretamente quanto avvenuto in Sicilia durante il periodo del Regio Commissariato Civile, esaminando l'adeguarsi delle pratiche di polizia al contesto siciliano e il collegamento tra il centro e le aree periferiche reso possibile dalle forze dell'ordine. La ricerca si basa sulle carte dell'archivio privato di Codronchi, sui documenti conservati nell'Archivio Centrale di Stato di Roma e in alcuni archivi pubblici siciliani. Vengono inoltre analizzati archivi di personalità politiche dell'epoca, giornali, monografie e periodici. Dalla tesi emerge l'immagine di uno Stato ancora in formazione a trent'anni dall'Unità. Per quanto riguarda la parte della tesi relativa alla posizione degli uffici di Pubblica Sicurezza, emerge invece l'accentuata regionalizzazione delle forze di polizia italiane e il loro diverso adattarsi ai vari contesti della penisola. ; The general administration of most of the European states strengthened and modernized during the XIX century, in this context the creation of new police forces allowed to expand the capillary penetration of the states throughout their territories. Since 1861, the young Italian State could dispose of the Carabinieri Reali (Military State police) and of the units of Pubblica Sicurezza (Civil State police). Within the framework of a long period analysis about the creation and distribution of Pubblica Sicurezza Offices (1862-1914), created on the basis of data found on the Calendario Generale del Regno, this PhD thesis shows that Sicily was the region where the Italian police most widely spread. The Pubblica Sicurezza officers sent to little Sicilian villages could not rely upon police corps for their exclusive use. Consequently, they were forced to adjust and re-adjust their position to various problems of public order, not only with regard to people needs, but also to administrative rivalries between factions, antagonism and collaboration with other police forces, specific requests of superiors, of Parliament members and of local notables. The case study of the thesis moves in the context of this long-term analysis, focusing on the years 1896-1897. The 3rd of March 1896, after the defeat in Adua, Francesco Crispi resigned as President of the Italian Council. The 10th of the same month, Antonio Starabba, marquis of Rudinì, was appointed as the leader of a conservative government. The Italian Peninsula was troubled by economic problems. The situation was particularly delicate in Sicily: both the production of citrus fruits and the mining sector were affected by a deep economic crisis. In fact, these were the two main Sicilian economic sectors. As if the crisis was not enough, violent political rivalries troubled every town and city of the Island, constituting a serious threat to public order. Di Rudinì had a clear project for Sicily and he obtained approval for a Royal Decree establishing a Regio Commissariato Civile in Sicily, a sort of lieutenancy of the Crown. The 5th of April 1896, senator Giovanni Codronchi Argeli, native of Emilia Romagna, was appointed as Regio Commissario Civile and as Minister without portfolio. Because of the Royal Decree, converted into law during July, all Sicilian provinces, municipalities and prefectures were to be under his authority for a year. Looking through the prism of police is possible to analyse concretely what happened in Sicily under the authority of Codronchi, examining the adaptation of police practices to the Sicilian context and the connection between the centre and peripheral areas made possible by police forces. The research is based on the papers of Codronchi's private archive, on the documents kept in the Archivio Centrale di Stato of Rome and in some of the Sicilian public archives. Also, archives of political personalities of the time are analysed, as well as newspapers, monographies and periodicals of the period. From the thesis emerges the image of a State still in formation thirty years after Unification. As for the research concerning the position of the Public Security offices, what emerges is the accentuated regionalization of the Italian police forces and their different adaptation to the various contexts of the peninsula.
