From a publisher's website: The media is changing because the world is changing. It is not clear whether this dependency is working the other way. The relationship between the changing media and the changing world is devoted to most of the texts that make up the new volume of the year's Wroclaw mediates. At the center of the media are the media of the changing civilizations of the media systems of Europe and America. Authors who are both recognized researchers and newcomers try to answer questions about journalism, media professions, image communication, branding, public relations in multinational inquiries. The value of the texts is primarily an ambitious attempt to keep up with the current problems of media studies, combined with broader reflection on foreign media systems and Polish public discourse. Reading for media people, journalists and students of journalism, cultural scientists, political scientists and sociologists
Researchers into censorship in communist Poland have often analysed the relations existing between the censorship authorities and creatorsor publishers, but have more rarely examined the relationship between the state political authorities and the Central Office of Control of the Press, Publications and Performances (later the Central Office of Control of Publications and Performances). The author of this article considers the strength of the controlling influence of the authorities on censorship, reaching the conclusion that the impact of the communist party and state on censors' decisions was smaller than has generally been thought. The author believes that the censors had a certain degree of independence. This was the result of, among others insufficient personnel and organizational connections between the party and censorship, and faulty provisions regarding the regulation of censorship. Therefore, although censorship was an integral part of a totalitarian state, it probably did not always support its decisions, despite the party's strenuous efforts to make it so. Partly because of this, many publications have appeared in Poland that would not see the light of day in other countries, so-called communist block. ; Badacze cenzury w Polsce Ludowej wielokrotnie analizowali relacje zachodzące pomiędzy organami cenzury a twórcami i wydawcami, rzadziej natomiast powiązania władz polityczno-państwowych z Głównym Urzędem Kontroli Prasy, Publikacji i Widowisk (później Głównym Urzędem Kontroli Publikacji i Widowisk). Autor artykułu zastanawia się nad siłą kontrolnego oddziaływania władzy na cenzurę, dochodząc do wniosku, że wpływ partii komunistycznej i państwa na decyzje cenzury mógł być mniejszy niż zwykło się uważać. Jego zdaniem cenzura była w pewnym stopniu niezależna. Stanowiło to rezultat m.in. niedostatecznych powiązań kadrowo-organizacyjnych pomiędzy partią a cenzurą oraz wadliwych przepisów prawnych regulujących działalność cenzury. Dlatego, pomimo że cenzura była integralną częścią totalitarnego państwa, prawdopodobnie nie zawsze jej decyzje wspierały to państwo, mimo usilnych starań partii, aby tak było. M.in. dzięki temu, w Polsce ukazało się wiele publikacji, które nie ujrzałyby światła dziennego w innych krajach tzw. demokracji ludowej.
The article analyzes the functioning of pro-Russian propaganda Internet media in the Republic of Belarus, which testifies to their purposeful activities designed to promote integration narratives in the country's information space. It is concluded that the rhetoric used by Russian and pro-Russian Belarusian Internet media is essentially the same and does not differ significantly depending on the considered source of propaganda. It has been determined that the information impact is carried out using a set of identical theses, techniques and formulations that justify the commonality of history, culture and the need for the unity of the Belarusian and Russian peoples. It is noted that the actual identification of Belarusian national interests with Russian interests is used to justify the necessity and inevitability of Belarus' civilizational choice in favor of Russia.
The presence of an extensive number of Polish immigrants in Ireland has a short history, which began after Poland's accession to the EU. Therefore, the organizations that have been set up since 2004 were to a high degree built up with no or little impact of the existing tradition of immigrant structures and institutions. This makes Ireland a specific laboratory for testing a new model of immigrants' organization of the 21st century. The article aims to describe the development of Polish immigrant organizations in Ireland and to present their characteristics, including their goals, activities, the role of new media and technology, as well as the patterns of participation and communication. The detailed presentation of these characteristics and case studies serves the goal of answering the question: if and to what extent "young" Polish immigrant organizations in Ireland can be seen as the forerunners of a new model of immigrants' organization of the 21st century.
This article presents the history and the development of tthe Spanish "Indignant" movement in the long term, i.e. from the occupation of Puerta del Sol to this day. The paper discusses social functions carried out by collectives constituting the above-mentioned movement. The main focus is put on the analysis of civic groups' influence on solving problems connected with the crisis of the Spanish state and on the political and legal system of this country. The condition of Spanish state institutions (being an the example of contemporary European democratic system) is considered from the perspective of the legitimization of its resolutions and citizens' participation in making key decisions. The analysis aims at describing the place of the "Indignados" in Spanishpolitical life and forecasting the directions of the movement's development. The model of eliberative democracy by Jürgen Habermas is used in the course of the work. The selection of information and the analysis of the Indignants' actions are based on media reports and participant observations made by the author who during the last three years has participated in the actions of the movement in Sevilla, Alicante and Saragossa.
Motherhood without icing and retouching. The 'Polish Mother' icon in Polish literature created after the year 2000 and blogs Polish woman-centered symbolism has a specific dimension, which is depicted in the iconic 'Polish Mother' (Matka Polka). The iconic image is deeply rooted in Polish history and culture and it often refers to the mother of Jesus as she is expected to sacrifice her children for the motherland. As a woman, she realizes herself not only through motherhood but also in the service of her nation, and as such, she becomes a highly charged metaphor for both motherly love and patriotism. The 'Polish Mother' is a myth; a stereotype that has shaped the thinking of the nation for more than two centuries and is still largely in force. In contemporary literature (and also in various media texts and blogs) one can identify however, obvious attempts to re-evaluate this very traditional iconic image. Especially motherhood, in Poland today, has gained a new dimension. I investigate some of the most characteristic aspects of the selected texts, focusing on the discrepancy between the old clichés and expectations and the subversion of traditionally defined motherhood in a modern society, which no longer takes the 'Polish Mother' at face value.
The purpose of this study is to attempt to show the positive and negative, or favorable and unfavorable, preconditions of the Polish presidency and its assessment. The main proposition is that the presidency was an unprecedented event in Polish history and has had a significant social, political, cultural, economic and international impact, while its consequences will continue to be felt for a long time. The Polish presidency, like all EU presidencies, stirred considerable emotions and its outcomes have already produced divergent opinions among experts, researchers and politicians. It is still too early to present an exhaustive and objective assessment of the presidency, but this does not mean that it cannot be analyzed, examined or have conclusions drawn from it. The author tries to present that despite some negative preconditions that did not encourage the Polish presidency, and the absence of any spectacular successes, the assessment of the Polish presidency has been positive, and Poland deserves both credit and distinction for passing such a stern test despite lacking in experience and facing numerous difficulties. The author also tries to show that the Polish presidency was calm and focused on seeking understanding and compromise; and that it was better than the Czech or Hungarian presidencies. It is unfortunate that the global media were relatively uninterested in the Polish leadership of the Council, which was consequently overshadowed by such events as the crisis in the euro zone, the financial and economic tragedy in Greece, the Arab Spring, and the parliamentary elections in Poland and in Russia. ; The purpose of this study is to attempt to show the positive and negative, or favorable and unfavorable, preconditions of the Polish presidency and its assessment. The main proposition is that the presidency was an unprecedented event in Polish history and has had a significant social, political, cultural, economic and international impact, while its consequences will continue to be felt for a long time. The Polish presidency, like all EU presidencies, stirred considerable emotions and its outcomes have already produced divergent opinions among experts, researchers and politicians. It is still too early to present an exhaustive and objective assessment of the presidency, but this does not mean that it cannot be analyzed, examined or have conclusions drawn from it. The author tries to present that despite some negative preconditions that did not encourage the Polish presidency, and the absence of any spectacular successes, the assessment of the Polish presidency has been positive, and Poland deserves both credit and distinction for passing such a stern test despite lacking in experience and facing numerous difficulties. The author also tries to show that the Polish presidency was calm and focused on seeking understanding and compromise; and that it was better than the Czech or Hungarian presidencies. It is unfortunate that the global media were relatively uninterested in the Polish leadership of the Council, which was consequently overshadowed by such events as the crisis in the euro zone, the financial and economic tragedy in Greece, the Arab Spring, and the parliamentary elections in Poland and in Russia.
More and more people around the world are using computer (video) games. The development of the gaming industry means increasing of its complexity in all aspects. Not only is the content represented in games continuously differentiating, but we also see the increasing diversity among their creators, users, researchers and the public. This article aims to draw attention to the possibility of using the concept of social capital in ludologists' research as well as in improving the quality of games and of the cooperation between social environments related with games. Social capital is understood here as a potential of interactions embedded in interpersonal ties and social norms, which can bring advantages for individuals, groups and societies. The author takes a closer look on: the main features of this multi-dimensional category; significant differences between human, social and cultural capital; as well as the positive and negative influences of social capital.
