Suchergebnisse

The power of media is outlined and the effects of mass media on the public opinion and on the parliamentary election. In the book the role of the political intellectuals is analyzed in detail and the battles of intellectuals of the opposite political camps on the field of the language of politics.

What are our possibilities for removing our virtual presence from just being there for production of signs and meanings? What are the conditions under which we can benefit from the experience of being fully present in our identity on virtual platforms and stay connected with others? Social media seems to be an opportunity for this, but it happens the exact opposite: we just become a sign for our identity. Communicating our fictional selfs and meanings with others, however, gives a presence to this sign of identity. Meaning effects and presence effects (Gumbrecht) are inseparable from each other.

This paper analyses some basic questions and gives a review of literature so further the ways in which media-practices are mapped and the impact of media usage on our identity-constructions, on our relationships with others and on our reflection of the world we live in can be researched in the terms of this project.

As a motivational factor of action, political efficacy is an important predictor of political behaviour. The term was invented to capture the extent to which people feel that they can effectively participate in politics and shape political processes. Today, we have a comprehensive knowledge of the individual-level factors (socio-demographic variables, political preferences etc.) that shape the level of internal and external dimensions of political efficacy. However, while it is widely demonstrated that media consumption influences the level of political efficacy, the country-level media context factors affecting it have rarely been studied. This paper reports the findings of extensive research on how two crucial features of the media context, the political significance of the media and the level of political parallelism in the media system, shape the level of external and internal political efficacy. The investigation draws upon the dataset of the seventh round (2014 – 2015) of the European Social Survey (ESS) and includes more than twenty-two thousand respondents from nineteen European democracies. The research hypothesizes that in countries where the media play a more important role, people have lower levels of external and higher levels of internal political efficacy. Political parallelism, which shows the extent to which media outlets are driven by distinct political orientations and interests within a particular media system, is expected to directly increase both external and internal political efficacy. Its indirect effect is also hypothesized, arguing that partisan media amplifies the winner-loser gap in political efficacy as a kind of "echo chamber". The findings show that in countries where the media play a major role in shaping political discourse, people have lower levels of external political efficacy, while the political parallelism of the media system indirectly affects the external dimensions of political efficacy. Internal political efficacy is, however, not related to these context-level factors.

Seit ihrem Amtsantritt 2010 steht die rechtskonservative Regierung unter Viktor Orbán international in der Diskussion: Ob Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Unabhängigkeit von Justiz und Medien oder der Umgang mit Obdachlosen und Roma - vonseiten der Presse und EU kam heftige Kritik. Inwieweit decken sich Kritik und Fakten? Wie erscheint Ungarn etwa im Vergleich mit anderen demokratischen Staaten? Eine analysierende Gegenüberstellung von Pressezitaten und nachgeprüften Sachverhalten will Antworten geben.

The case of Simek Kitty garnered a lot of interest in the media between 2002 and 2005. The fourteen-year-old girl, who endured her stepfather's physical, verbal, and sexual abuse for ten years, one day shot the aggressive man with his own weapon. Although the court sentenced the young girl for her deed, the President of the Republic gave her amnesty, so she did not have to go to jail after all. However, her life turned even worse after the incident. In my study, I examine why the events turned out the way they did and how the tragedy could have been avoided.

This is an exploratory study of populist political movement Sme rodina – Boris Kollár (We Are a Family – Boris Kollár, since November 2019 only Sme rodina). The paper first locates this movement into a lose concept/sui generis family of political parties (the niche party), arguing in contrast to some typologies that this is primarily protest populist party presenting some niche issues, and only secondarily, an entrepreneurial party. The paper also answers the question why this party is considered as being populist by many political and non-political actors and analysts. The paper also suggests that there is actually non-existent, but assumed direct correlation between the support for this party and the decline in the standard of living, as sometimes presented in public discourse. In contrast, it is suggested here that there may be stronger links between relative poverty, feeling of being abandoned by political elites/parties, and low educational levels. Moreover, there played an important role previous knowledge (celebrity status) of the party leader who was often presented and discussed in tabloid media. For this reason, many young females voted for this party. The party also managed to raise a widely perceived problematic issue that was seen as not tackled sufficiently or at all by the previous governments and other competing political parties (the niche or salient issue).

Considering the Hungarian civic sphere, its situation and characteristics are far from clear and unambiguous equally for nonprofessional and experts, despite the legal regulation. Nonprofit reports of The Hungarian Statistical Office provide data of the sector since 1993. The judicial online browser also runs a database to identify and acquire most important features of organizations of the civic sector. Still, there are only few results of secondary analysis or primary research, dependently or independently from them. The analysis of the reporting requirements seems to be novel field of the civic related researches, the main reason for the examinations are the latest media reports, where those organizations are highlighted, who cannot meet the subsidy related reporting requirement, who do not reveal their financial reports or simply there is some kind of an anomaly of the 1% personal income tax offering. Since 2011, civic organizations' reports are (or should be) available in the judicial browser, the objective of the examination is – in relationship with it – to understand how the way of reporting has changed and in what detail organizations are willing to report on their activities. Our results show that a not demanding reporting expectation of the court meets the reporting laziness of some of the civic organizations. ; Amennyiben ma Magyarországon a civil szféráról beszélünk, a törvényi szabályozás ellenére sem messze egyértelmű kép tárul a laikus vagy épp a szakember számára. A KSH nonprofit tájékoztatóiban 1993 óta állnak rendelkezésre adatok, a bírósági online kereső civil szervezetek azonosítására, főbb adatainak megismerésére működtet adatbázist, mindemellett, ezektől függetlenül vagy épp ezekre alapozva kevés a további másodelemzés, vagy épp empirikus jellegű kutatás. A civil szervezetek beszámolási kötelezettségeivel kapcsolatos vizsgálódás újszerű területe a civilek kutatásának, apropóját pedig épp a sajtóban egyre több alkalommal megjelenő cikkek adják: civilek, akik nem tudnak támogatásokkal elszámolni, akik nem teszik közé beszámolóikat vagy épp az SZJA 1% kapcsán vélelmezhető valamiféle anomália. 2011 óta a civilek beszámolói is hozzáférhetőek (vagy annak kellene lenniük) a bírósági online keresőben, és a kutatások célja ezzel összefüggésben pedig éppen az, hogy miként és hogyan változott a beszámolási kötelezettség, megfelelően kitöltötteke a beszámolók, és mennyire hajlandóak részleteiben is beszámolni a szervezetek működésükről. Az eredmények szerint úgy tűnik, hogy a kevésbé kiélezett elvárásnak a beszámolási hajlandóság lazasága is velejárója.