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History textbooks are the only history books that the majority of people read in their lives. This article investigates the impact of history textbooks on young Chinese people's understanding of their nation's modern history, as revealed on the popular microblogging site Sina Weibo. We analysed posts related to history textbooks and their representations of three contentious turning points in the communist historical narrative: the May Fourth Movement of 1919, the nationalist assault on the communists in 1927, and the Yan'an Rectification Movement of 1942. Widespread engagement with and recollection of history textbook content indicates a substantial impact of these textbooks on people's understanding of the past and a willingness to relate that past to the present. Responses to textbooks vary widely, from acceptance of the textbook narrative and the expression of strong patriotic and emotional connections to the past as presented in textbooks to open and angry critique. (JCCA/GIGA)

This paper is an ethnomusicological and media studies collaborative study that discusses the politics of representation on media health images, especially HIV/AIDS in Africa, and how a South African AIDS support group and choral ensemble offers a counter-narrative to the images that are seen in the Western media. Using ethnographic data on the group's organization, music events, and interviews with choir members, we argue that Siphithemba Choir's story is a narrative of self-representation that subverts the appropriation of their story by the scientific community, and counters the helpless image of HIV-infected individuals that often comprise the face of HIV/AIDS in Africa in the mainstream media.

Der Beitrag schlägt einen analytischen Rahmen für die Untersuchung der Bedeutung von Medientechnik für Medienkommunikation vor. Dieser nimmt die Genese von Medien als Praxis in den Blick, in der die Komplexität von Kommunikation für die Bearbeitung durch Computer auf berechenbare Variablen reduziert werden muss. Latour nennt diesen Prozess der Herstellung technischer Operationsketten 'Verkomplizierung'. Technik selbst wird durch diese Fixierungen von Wirkungszusammenhängen zu einem Medium der Handlungskoordination, wie das Konzept 'Technisierung' beschreibt. Mit diesen Anleihen aus STS und Techniksoziologie ergibt sich für genuin kommunikations- und medienwissenschaftliche Fragestellungen eine zentrale Analysekategorie: die Selektivität von Medientechnik. Wir diskutieren abschließend methodologische Implikationen, wie diese Kategorie sowohl in der Genese, der Medientechnik selbst als auch in der Nutzung untersucht werden kann.

El gobierno de Sudáfrica ha realizado recientemente un enorme esfuerzo en la expansión del papel de la educación en medios, con el objeto de ofrecer un acceso equitativo y de calidad a toda la población, especialmente hacia los grupos desfavorecidos. Sin embargo, este proceso requiere tiempo y recursos ingentes y constantes, además de la necesaria colaboración de otras instituciones. Actualmente, existe en Sudáfrica escasa investigación sobre las causas de las desigualdades de acceso a la tecnología o los obstáculos que existen para la difusión y puesta en marcha de la alfabetización mediática en Sudáfrica. No es sorprendente, por ello, que entre los múltiples problemas que existen hoy en África todavía la alfabetización mediática e informacional no sea una prioridad. Siguen existiendo muchos maestros con escasos conocimientos en esta materia, la capacitación de formadores es muy pobre y su incorporación en programas de alfabetización muy anecdótica. El Currículum UNESCO MIL de Alfabetización Mediática es un reto para ayudar a superar esta brecha digital y promover la inclusión social. Con este objetivo, este estudio analiza algunas cuestiones relacionadas con la alfabetización mediática a partir de una muestra de estudiantes de la Universidad de Cape Town, proponiendo algunas soluciones prácticas sobre cómo ayudar a mejorar los niveles de alfabetización mediática e informacional en las sociedades menos favorecidas, como es el caso de Sudáfrica. ; The South African government has emphasized the need to expand the role of media education to promote equal access, with a level of quality and relevance that will empower disadvantaged groups. However, it is a challenging, time-consuming process, as well as requiring considerable and consistent expenditure and partnerships between many donor agencies. There is little research on the causes behind unequal access to technology, or comparative studies of the barriers that impede the diffusion and adoption of media and information literacy in South Africa. It is thus not surprising that the media and information literacy component is still missing from the agenda that lists Africa's myriad problems, as well as the absence of qualified teachers, training for the trainers and the presence of IT literacy in the curricula, all of which are essential elements for any future development. The UNESCO model of curricula could help close the digital divide and promote social inclusion. As a contribution to that goal, this study investigates some of the pertinent issues related to media and information literacy via a sample of students at the University of Cape Town. This research offers some practical solutions on how to help raise the levels of media and information literacy among the disadvantaged, in the case in South Africa.

This article examines how affective narratives of the COVID-19 pandemic on Chinese social media reinforce and challenge established scripts of national identity, political legitimacy, and international geopolitical imaginary. Taking theoretical insights from the scholarship on trauma, disaster nationalism, and politics of emotions, I structure the analysis of social media posts from state media and private accounts around three emotional registers: grief as a crucial site of control and contestation during the initial stage of the outbreak; gandong (being moved in a positive way) associated with stories of heroic sacrifices, national unity, and mundane 'heart-warming' moments; and enmity in narratives of power struggles and ideological competition between China and 'the West', especially the United States. While state media has sought to transform the crisis into resources for strengthening national belonging and regime legitimacy through a digital reworking of the long-standing repertoire of disaster nationalism, alternative articulations of grief, rage, and vernacular memory that refuse to be incorporated into the 'correct collective memory' of a nationalised tragedy have persisted in digital space. Furthermore, the article explicates the ways in which popular narratives affectively reinscribe dominant ideas about the (inter)national community: such as the historical imagination of a continuous nationhood rising from disasters and humiliation, positive energy, and a dichotomous view of the international order characterised by Western hegemony and Chinese victimhood. The geopolitical narratives of the pandemic build on and exacerbate binary oppositions between China and 'the West' in the global imaginary, which are co-constructed through discursive practices on both sides in mutually reinforcing ways. The lens of emotion allows us to attend to the resonances and dissonances between official and popular narrativisations of the disaster without assuming a one-way determinate relationship between the two.

The research analysed the role of print media in peace education in the post-Gukurahundi era in Zimbabwe (2018 – 2020) focusing mainly on the media coverage of the work of the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC). The NPRC is a constitutionally set up body meant to deal with the countrys' past conflicts with the aim of achieving peace in the country. The objectives were to investigate the roles of print media in peace education in Zimbabwe in the post-Gukurahundi era, explore the factors that influence print media reportage in peace education in the post-Gukurahundi era in Zimbabwe, analyse the implications of print media reportage on peace education in post Gukurahundi era in Zimbabwe, and recommending measures that can be enacted to ensure positive, educative and peace building media reportage. Located in a triangulation of media theories, including the concept of the public sphere, and theories drawn from peace studies, the research used descriptive qualitative methodology through a combination of in-depth interviews with journalists, peace activists, chiefs, and NPRC officials, focus group discussions and an analysis of newspaper stories around the activities of the NPRC to gather and analyse data. It was established that the media experienced a number of challenges in playing its peace education role including issues related to ownership and control, especially by the government. There were other challenges related to sourcing and source bias. The research recommended that there is a need for the media to pursue victim-centred journalism that puts the voice of the victims at the centre of the Gukurahundi narratives; there is a need for journalists to be independent and consciously refuse to be controlled by owners of publications; and that, there is a need for the media to build trust with the victims of the atrocities

In the online environment, social media metrics offer a credible basis of customer feedback in anticipating the firm performance. This study verifies the association of social media metrics of Face-book and Twitter to financial market performance. Data were collected from official Facebook pages and Twitter accounts of 3 fast-food companies over the time period of 6 months. Then established multiple metrics for respective social media platforms and develop outcomes using Vector Autoregressive time series models to evaluate the instantaneous and continuing relationship between social media metrics and financial market performance of the firms in terms of unusual returns and idiosyncratic risk. Results indicated that FB metrics are significant leading indicators of firm equity value. However, Twitter metrics, have a weaker relationship with firm value as compared to FB metrics. Collectively, current research extends new visions for organizational top executives and investors concerning organizational equity valuation and the social media power transformation.

Marked by both deep interconnectedness and polarization, the contemporary media system in the United States features news outlets and social media that are bound together, yet deeply divided along partisan lines. This article formally analyzes communication flows surrounding mass shootings in the hybrid and polarized U.S. media system. We begin by integrating media system literature with agenda setting and news framing theories and then conduct automated text analysis and time series modeling. After accounting for exogenous event characteristics, results show that (a) sympathy and gun control discourses on Twitter preceded news framing of gun policy more than the other way around, and (b) conservatives on Twitter and conservative media reacted to progressive discourse on Twitter, without their progressive counterparts exhibiting a similar reactiveness. Such results shed light on the influence of social media on political communication flows and confirm an asymmetry in the ways partisan media ecosystems respond to social events.

Published by Reporters Without Borders every year, the Press Freedom Index (PFI) reflects the fear and tension in the newsroom pushed by the government and private sectors. While the PFI is invaluable in monitoring media environ- ments worldwide, the current survey-based method has in- herent limitations to updates in terms of cost and time. In this work, we introduce an alternative way to measure the level of press freedom using media attention diversity compiled from Unfiltered News.

Türkiye'de Anayasa değişikliğine yönelik 16 Nisan 2017 tarihinde gerçekleştirilen referandum çok tartışılmıştır. Kamuoyunu bilgilendirmesi beklenen yazılı basın, söz konusu referandum öncesinde ve sonrasında kampanyaları ve siyasi parti ile aktörlerin demeçlerini haberleştirerek bu görevi yerine getirmiştir. Basının manipüle gücü yüksektir. Dolayısıyla referandum kampanyaları ile siyasi parti ve aktörlerin demeçlerinin topluma nasıl sunulduğu önemlidir. Bu yüzden bu çalışmanın konusu 16 Nisan 2017'de gerçekleşen referandumun yazılı basında sunumudur. Bu çalışma yazılı basının referanduma ilişkin kampanyalar ile siyasi parti ve aktörlerin demeçlerine nasıl yaklaştığını anlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Çalışmada, Türkiye'de yayınlanan ulusal gazetelerden Sözcü ve Yeni Şafak gazetelerinin referandum öncesi ve sonrasında referanduma ilişkin yayınladığı haberler, içerik analizi yöntemi ile incelenmiştir ; The referendum that was held on April 16, 2017 on replacing the Constitution of Turkey has been widely debated. The printed media that was expected to inform the public opinion fulfilled that task by reporting the campaigns ant the statements of political parties and actors before and after the referendum. Media has the power of manipulating. Thus, the presentation of referendum campaigns and the statements of political parties and actors to society is important. For that reason, this study centers upon the presentation of the April 16, 2017 referendum in the printed media. The study tries to understand how the printed media approaches to the statements of political parties and actors at referendum campaigns. In the study, the news on referendum reported by the national newspapers in Turkey, Sözcü and Yeni Şafak before and after the referendum are examined via content analysis method

Türkiye'de Anayasa değişikliğine yönelik 16 Nisan 2017 tarihinde gerçekleştirilen referandum çok tartışılmıştır. Kamuoyunu bilgilendirmesi beklenen yazılı basın, söz konusu referandum öncesinde ve sonrasında kampanyaları ve siyasi parti ile aktörlerin demeçlerini haberleştirerek bu görevi yerine getirmiştir. Basının manipüle gücü yüksektir. Dolayısıyla referandum kampanyaları ile siyasi parti ve aktörlerin demeçlerinin topluma nasıl sunulduğu önemlidir. Bu yüzden bu çalışmanın konusu 16 Nisan 2017'de gerçekleşen referandumun yazılı basında sunumudur. Bu çalışma yazılı basının referanduma ilişkin kampanyalar ile siyasi parti ve aktörlerin demeçlerine nasıl yaklaştığını anlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Çalışmada, Türkiye'de yayınlanan ulusal gazetelerden Sözcü ve Yeni Şafak gazetelerinin referandum öncesi ve sonrasında referanduma ilişkin yayınladığı haberler, içerik analizi yöntemi ile incelenmiştir ; The referendum that was held on April 16, 2017 on replacing the Constitution of Turkey has been widely debated. The printed media that was expected to inform the public opinion fulfilled that task by reporting the campaigns ant the statements of political parties and actors before and after the referendum. Media has the power of manipulating. Thus, the presentation of referendum campaigns and the statements of political parties and actors to society is important. For that reason, this study centers upon the presentation of the April 16, 2017 referendum in the printed media. The study tries to understand how the printed media approaches to the statements of political parties and actors at referendum campaigns. In the study, the news on referendum reported by the national newspapers in Turkey, Sözcü and Yeni Şafak before and after the referendum are examined via content analysis method