The author analyzes Arendt's attempt at a rehabilitation of political thinking. He describes the influence of Greek & Roman practical philosophy on Arendt as well as her distancing from Martin Heidegger as a nonpolitical thinker. In the end, the author offers an insight into the failure of the Western metaphysics of the political when confronted with the factuality of a specific political life. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes Arendt's attempt at a rehabilitation of political thinking. He describes the influence of Greek & Roman practical philosophy on Arendt as well as her distancing from Martin Heidegger as a nonpolitical thinker. In the end, the author offers an insight into the failure of the Western metaphysics of the political when confronted with the factuality of a specific political life. Adapted from the source document.
Using as his starting point Hegel's explanation of the principled differentiation between the "manner of studying" & acquiring actual knowledge in the Antiquity & the Modern Age, the author demonstrates that both Hegel & Husserl, each in his own philosophical fashion, try to link the substantiality of Antiquity & the subjectivity of Modernity as well as to deepen &, consequently, put an end to the one-sidedness, both in the ancient tradition of multi-formity ("des sinnlichen Daseins") & in the modern "abstract form" of the manifesting subjectivity. The notion of "the actual knowledge" as actualization and "spiritualization" of the universal, with Hegel ends in "Selbstbewusstsein" & with Husserls in "phanomenologisches Residuum," representing "das Feld einer neuen Wissenschaft," which Husserl calls "die Phanomenologie der Lebenswelt" & Hegel "die Phanomenologie des Geistes." Hegel & Husserl evolve actual knowledge in the "form of science," which is -- as "Wissenschaft von der Erfahrung des Bewusstseins" -- different from the dogmatic metaphysics, empiricism, & positivism of sciences. "Erfahrung" cannot be reduced to sensory experience; it -- as the source of "des neuen wahren Gegenstandes" -- also represents the experience of human thought & understanding. This already envisions in Hegel's works the rehabilitation of different kinds & ways of genuine knowledge conceived by Aristotle in his Nichomachean Ethics. The author emphasizes the significance of practical knowledge, as extrapolated by Hegel in his philosophy of objective spirit &, particularly, in the notion of "Geist-Kapitel" in his Phenomenology of Spirit -- not in the form of metaphysical definitions taken over by Hegel from the practical philosophy into the speculative one, but for the sake of developing the abilities of the spirit as "reality" in the historical world & its own historical "logic." This peculiar logic of The Phenomenology of Spirit differs from the later Science of Logic like metaphysics. While the latter represents the thinking of the world prior to the creation of the world, The Phenomenology of Spirit makes for the practical philosophy of the historical world of life & requires the development of various kinds of knowledge, especially modern spiritual sciences appropriate for the contemporary reality & world history. Adapted from the source document.
Rousseau gives an account of the development of law wherein the constitution of the state is derived from the droits de l'humanite principle. In other words, he seeks and finds the original act which encompasses equality and freedom and from which the two result, and which is simultaneously the constitutive act of the community. In his philosophical doctrine of the state, and in contrast with his ethics, he discovered a new field of human obligations in and of themselves, where the principle according to which they are judged is not the ethical sentiment, but reason, as that which realizes that the obligations are justified. This means that the typical anthropological foundation of equality demanded by Rousseau's ethics proves to be insufficient with regard to the highest principles of the state doctrine. Thus Rousseau's foundation of equality in the form of a peculiar philosophy of freedom, which stands in opposition to his ethics, is of a purely rational character, since only pure reason is the source of cognition regarding conditions that justify coercive power over people, and it is, in turn, clearly opposed to the source of knowledge of good and evil, namely sensitivity and sentiments. This also clarifies Rousseau's view that ethical freedom is possible solely within the state and that only a citizen of the state can have freedom. But belief in the possibility of freedom within the state does not originate from some sort of adoration of the state: it results from his non-abandonment of the ethics of sentimentality, with simultaneous recognition of the validity of the freedom concept gained in the sphere of the legislative state. In Kant's understanding, the basic goal of Rousseau's political thought was to establish and ensure inalienable natural rights of individuums, which are symbolized in the substance of the general will. One may therefore conclude that they both tried to establish a new metaphysics of law, but this does not mean that Rousseau can be considered a direct predecessor of Kant's metaphysics of ethics and his critique of practical reason. Adapted from the source document.
Dostoevsky's spirit is broken by a difficult childhood, years of imprisonment and forced military service in the difficult conditions of remote Russia, and the shackles of married life with the "sick, hysterical widow ". Wandering through dreamy Europe made him aware of the attachment to the Russian homeland and revealed love and allusion of peace; he falls in love with Ana by dictating the text of the "Gambler ", which will provide them with bread and shelter in the days of losing the gambling luck and questionable existence. In his wandering through Europe as the "land of holy wonders", Dostoevsky informs us through the confessions of the gambler Alexei about the temptations of the "world" addicted to the gambling table. The significance of divisive passions is questioned: those towards women, love and even more, gambling, destructive, demonic. In 27 days while he was presenting Ana with the thoughts of the main character of the "Gambler ", and she was recording them in a transcript, the writer was going through his own agony. The novel will see the light of day, but unlike Alexei, a character waiting for a new tomorrow to decide on ending a life driven by an unhealthy addictive habit, Dostoevsky, after the novel ends, experiences catharsis and sails into economic security by taking royalties for this and subsequent novels. As when after a stormy night at sea, a sunny morning dawns, a hint of love, happiness and the desired family peace is prayed to the author. Ana will focus the writer, a gambler, on family life and caring for children, and abduct him from addiction by sailing with him to the next "storm". The basic theme of the novel – the obsession with gambling – is the experience of Dostoevsky, a writer with "a heart in which God and Satan fight, and the pledge is human life." In the days when in the hustle and bustle of modern life, COVID-19, complete human alienation and escalation of violence we turn to the spiritual, looking for a way out in the metaphysical, surreal, healing and nurturing, andrational and explainable does not offer a final answer, someone seeks a way out of addiction and someone in a classic, something familiar and valuable. Or in metaphysics that goes beyond the physical and the knowable, in an attempt to reach the higher, the spiritual. The return to the great connoisseur of the human psyche, Dostoevsky, in a return to the interest in man, the inspiration of the human and the humane, but also the space behind knowable and the "metaphysical drama". The idea of the French writer Albarez that for Dostoevsky, "in contrast to most other novelists, man is primarily not a biological, social, economic, psychological, but a metaphysical being", becomes understandable. ; U danima kada se u užurbanosti suvremenog života, žrtava COVIDA 19, posvemašnje ljudske otuđenosti i eskalacije nasilja, okrećemo duhovnom tražeći izlaz u metafizičkom, nadrealnom, ljekovitom i njegujućem, a racionalno i objašnjivo ne nudi konačni odgovor, netko izlaz traži u sredstvu ovisnosti, a netko u klasici, nečem poznatom i vrijednom. Ili metafizici koja ide dalje od fizičkog i spoznatljivog, u pokušaju dosizanja višeg, spiritualnog. Povratak velikom poznavaocu ljudske psihe, Dostojevskom, povratak je interesu za čovjeka, inspiraciji ljudskim i humanim, ali i prostoru iza spoznatljivog i "metafizičkoj drami". U skitnjama Europom, Dostojevski nas, kroz ispovijest kockara Alekseja izvještava o iskušenjima "svite" ovisne o kockarskom stolu. Propituje se značaj razdorne strasti: i one prema ženi, ljubavne, a još više, kockarske, rušilačke, demonske. Misao francuskog pisca Albaresa da je za Dostojevskog, "u opreci prema većini ostalih romanopisaca, čovjek primarno ne biološko, socijalno, ekonomsko, psihološko, nego metafizičko biće", postaje razumljivom.
The author's argument is that Europe must renounce Kant's universalism & adopt political means in resolving its permanently conflictual situations. In that way it is to construct its new identity that stems neither from the divergent past of its members nor from their divergent perceptions of the future, but is being built in the politically active present. The European Union as a community sui generis is founded on a paradox. Namely, it does not grow from its familiar historical identity, but is growing into it by permanently resolving the conflictual situations of the state of nature by political means. That paradoxical political project may be subscribed to only politically: mythologies, religions, ideologies & metaphysics would, as it were, create a state-of-nature but only at a higher cultural level. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.
U članku se uspostavlja korelacija između nihilizma i povijesti iz postavke o kraju metafizike u doba tehnosfere. Pokazujući genealogiju postmodernoga obrata u suvremenom filozofijskome mišljenju, autor se kritički razračunava s Vattimovom tezom da je Heideggerov pojam prebolijevanja metafizike (Verwindung) ključ za razumijevanje postmoderne. Unatoč neposredne blizine s Nietzscheom i Heideggerom, ipak je neporecivo da se glavni pojam mora izvesti iz mišljenja kasnoga Wittgensteina, kao što je to učinio Lyotard u analizi »postmodernoga stanja«. Posrijedi je pojam »jezičnih igara« koji uvodi u promišljanje odnos između pragmatike znanja, performativnosti jezika i horizonta događaja. Na taj se način pokazuje da postmoderna nije nikakva vremenski određena »nova« epoha, već reaktualiziranje stanja kojeg određuje vladavina tehnoznanosti, kibernetike i pluralnih obrazaca kulture u postindustrijskome društvu. Autor na osnovi vlastitih prethodnih analiza ovog problema sabranih u knjigama Postmoderna igra svijeta, Politika identiteta, Posthumano stanje i Tehnosfera I–V, smatra da jedino ekstenzivna analiza i tumačenje Lyotardovih postavki omogućuje dolazak na pravi filozofijski put spram odgovora na pitanje o biti nihilizma u suočenju s biti tehnosfere kao računanja, planiranja i konstrukcije neljudskoga. Ono što je preostalo od postmoderne u suvremenosti niti je »pričanje priča« o stilskim tendencijama moderne i neomoderne, avangarde i neoavangarde, niti, pak, sukob univerzalnosti i partikularnosti društva i kulture. Preostalo je jedino ono što ima karakter neotklonjive »sudbine« ovog nihilizma tehnosfere: od postmodernoga stanja do posthumanoga stanja mišljenje se nalazi pred izazovom događaja koji nadilazi sve viđeno u povijesti zapadnjačke metafizike. Kada slika prethodi jeziku, a pisanje govoru, nalazimo se u zatvorenome krugu obrata i preokreta metafizike. Vrijeme je za izlazak iz ovog »začaranoga kruga« u kojem živo postaje ne-živo, bitak informacijom, društvo sustavom objekata, a ljudsko-odveć-ljudsko neljudskim kao takvim. ; The paper establishes a correlation between nihilism and history from the premise of the end of metaphysics in the age of the technosphere. In presenting the genealogy of the postmodern turn in contemporary philosophical thinking, the author critically deals with Vattimo's thesis that Heidegger's notion of overcoming metaphysics (Verwindung) is the key to understanding postmodernity. Despite its close proximity to Nietzsche and Heidegger, it is undeniable that the main notion must be derived from late Wittgenstein's thinking, as Lyotard did in his analysis of the "postmodern condition". It is a notion of "language games" that introduces into consideration the relationship between the pragmatics of knowledge, the performativity of language and the event horizon. In this way, it will be shown that postmodernity cannot be any "new" epoch but rather a re-actualization of the condition determined by the rule of technoscience, cybernetics and plural patterns of culture in post-industrial society. Based on his previous analyses of this problem, collected in the books The Postmodern Game of the World, Identity Politics, The Posthuman Condition, and Technosphere I–V, the author believes that only extensive analysis and interpretation of Lyotard's premises allows one to reach the right philosophical path to the answer to the question of the essence of nihilism in the face of Being, and the technosphere as computation, planning, and construction of the inhuman. In contemporary times, what is left of postmodernity is neither "telling stories" about the stylistic tendencies of the modern and neomodern, the avant-garde and the neo-avant-garde, nor, moreso, the conflict of the universality and particularity of society and culture. All that remains is the feature of the unwavering "fate" of this nihilism of the technosphere: from the postmodern condition to the posthuman condition, thought is confronted with the challenge of an event that goes beyond anything seen in the history of Western metaphysics. When the image precedes the language and the writing to speaking, we find ourselves in a closed circle of turns and reversals of metaphysics. It is time to step out of this "vicious circle" in which the living becomes non-living, the Being becomes the information, the system of objects replaces society, and the human-too-human with inhuman as such.
Članak donosi pregled najosnovnijih postavki transhumanističkog pokreta. Transhumanistički pokret počinje krajem 20. stoljeća i zalaže se za korištenje tehnologije u svrhu unapređivanja ljudskog stanja. S obzirom na izvjesnu razinu sličnosti s posthumanizmom, pregled transhumanizma počinje analizom osnovnih pojmova: transhumanizam, posthumanizam, transhumano biće i posthumano biće. Nakon toga, transhumanizam se proučava iz perspektive različitih disciplina. Te su discipline: filozofija znanosti, metafizika, etika, filozofija uma, filozofija religije i filozofija politike. ; This paper features an overview of the foundations of transhumanism. The transhumanist movement has existed since the end of the 20th century and espouses the use of technology for enhancing the human condition. Due to a certain level of similarity to posthumanism, this overview of transhumanism begins with an analysis of basic terminology: transhumanism, posthumanism, the transhuman being and the posthuman being. After that, transhumanism is studied from the perspectives of different disciplines. These disciplines are: philosophy of science, metaphysics, ethics, philosophy of mind, philosophy of religion and political philosophy.
Philosophy of politics is currently going through an extremely grave crisis. The crisis of the political is apparent everywhere. Political interpretation in the conditions of the contemporary age is seriously shaken. This in turn brings into question the segment of society which is an essential part of the cultural identity of the West. One might say that, throughout the 20th century, no one inquired into the position of politics as thoroughly as Hannah Arendt. Her major contribution had to do with understanding the relation between philosophy and the application of its principles in politics, and her basic estimation was that the application of principles of philosophical thought on politics had devastating consequences. Although philosophy as metaphysics, since Plato and Hegel, contributed greatly to consideration of the political, Hannah Arendt was nonetheless of the opinion that the original sense of the political was lost in such philosophy and that the application of principles of philosophical thought on politics caused the political to be forgotten. The text provides a brief outline of Plato's perception of the relation between philosophy and politics, postulating the philosophical ideal that the veritable political community (polis) must be measured according to philosophical thought, and on the basis of principles of constitution of thought itself. On the other hand, Aristotle calls upon the ethos of the existing polis, but he always analyses the political under the primacy of philosophical principles. Arendt thus deems that Aristotle also considers the relevant knowledge of the political to be philosophical. She points out that political philosophy always discriminated against opinion and variety, and consequently also against the political as such. Aristotle and Kant are partly excluded from this judgment. Since the political categories created in the philosophy of politics determine our understanding of politics to this day, Arendt subjects them to criticism. Her different understanding of the political is manifest in her analyses of the fundamental political categories (government, power, force, authority, freedom), which can be adequately grasped only on the basis of relations between people, and not of some substantial and unquestionable domain. Adapted from the source document.
If it is true that a systematic understanding of modern society cannot be constituted without relying on the major works of the political thinking of modernity, the opposite is also true, ie., that none of those works cannot be properly understood unless from the viewpoint of a developed theory of modernity. In his General Theory of Modernity, Jacques Bidet points out that his metastructural theory of the modern epoch finally makes it possible to critically reexamine & reconstruct the entire "political metaphysics" of modernity. His intention is sufficiently (at the very least) outlined in his interpretations of Hobbes, Spinoza, Locke, Rousseau, Kant & Hegel. The author singles out Bidet's pregnant interpretation of Hobbes, & faces the question: what is to be done with the Leviathan? The first part of the article gives a detailed account of Bidet's basic hypotheses & insights into Hobbes' crucial role in finding an adequate conceptual definition of the logical starting point of exposition of the theory of modernity as a purely discursive relation in the formula of the social agreement. The second part puts forward a critical appraisal of Bidet's key reconstructional thesis that Hobbes' theory of authorization is perceived as the actual logical starting point of exposition of metastructural theory categories. In part three it is shown that Hobbes' theory of political representation & authorization could indeed be the starting point to a political theory of modernity (because it establishes man as the "author" of politics, & his representative or the sovereign as his "actor" or representative). In the author's judgment, Bidet's reconstructional thesis, which denies the epistemological status of the "natural state" as the first & most general concept in the sequence of exposition, is not valid. In the natural state, man's nature is not ahistorically postulated as that of a wolf; it is essentially dual. At issue here is primarily the modern man (and not merely man in general) in the epochal constellation wherein he, simultaneously & contradictorily, exists as a particular individual (bourgeois), which pursues his natural right, & as a moral subject (a Christian believer), which, as a being of conscience, fathoms & follows the imperatives of the natural or moral or divine laws. Precisely this duality, his inner cleavage of modern man, is also the starting supposition of Hobbes' theory of modernity encompassed in the key concept of the "natural state." In view of Bidet's argumentation, & relying above all on Zarka's fundamental interpretation of Hobbes' political philosophy as semiology of power, we are constantly faced with the Leviathan as an incomparable challenge to our cognitive faculty. Adapted from the source document.
Poslije kratka presjeka važnijih događaja vezanih uz povijest Franjevačke provincije Bosne Srebrene autor analizira važnije odredbe franjevačkoga zakonodavstva s obzirom na školstvo koje su omogućile njegov snažan razvoj u razdoblju poslije Tridentskoga koncila i koje su bitno utjecale ne organizaciju i rad franjevačkih obrazovnih ustanova na ovim prostorima. Poseban je naglasak na odredbama što su se odnosile na studij filozofije čija je svrha bila pripremiti studente za što kvalitetniji studij bogoslovije. S tim je ciljem na generalnom kapitulu franjevačkoga reda održanome u Rimu 1694. godine propisano da se filozofija predaje najmanje tri godine i da se u njezinu okviru studiraju summulae (logica minor), logika (logica maior), fizika, metafizika, animistika (znanost o duši), učenje o nastanku i propadanju tvari te kozmologija. Nastavni je sadržaj bio vezan uz učenje Ivana Duns Škota i Bonaventure. Metoda je bila strogo skolastička. Međutim, daljnje su reforme išle za približavanjem državnih i crkvenih sveučilišnih programa. Iz odredaba vezanih za studij filozofije u Bosni Srebrenoj vidljivo je da su provincijske uprave nastojale što dosljednije provoditi propise što ih je donosio general reda i, koliko je to bilo moguće, držati korak s trendovima na zapadnim učilištima. Kada to okolnosti nisu dopuštale, svoje su gojence slali na studij u inozemstvo. ; After a short review of more important events related to the history of the Franciscan province Silver Bosnia the author analyzes more significant regulations of the Franciscan legislature with regard to education which enabled its strong development in the period after the Trident Council and which had a strong influence on the organization and work of the Franciscan educational institutions in these areas. The special emphasis is on the regulations which referred to the study of philosophy, the purpose of which was to prepare students for the quality study of theology. With that goal the general Franciscan body of canons held in Rome in 1694 stipulated that philosophy must be taught at least three years and that in its framework summulae (logica minor), logics (logica maior), physics, metaphysics, science about soul, study about the emergence and decadence of a matter and cosmology must be learned. The teaching content was connected with the study of Ivan Duns Scotsman and Bonaventure. The method was strictly scholastic. However, further reforms went in direction of drawing closer the state and church university curricula. From the regulations related to the study of philosophy in Silver Bosnia it is visible that the provincial authorities were trying to implement the regulations made by the general of order and, as much as possible, keep pace with trends in the western educational institutions. When the circumstances did not allow that, they sent their students to study abroad.
U članku »The 'Bubbling Up' of Subterranean Politics in Europe«, objavljenom 2013. u časopisu Journal of Civil Society, Mary Kaldor i Sabine Selchow pokušale su otkriti specifične značajke pobuna koje su se javila nakon 2010. godine u europskim zemljama poput Njemačke, Španjolske, Italije, Engleske itd. Prema autoricama, način organiziranja koji čini glavno tijelo ovih emancipatornih pokreta preuzima svoju osnovnu logiku iz svijeta Interneta. Analogija s Internetom zahtijeva ponovnu evaluaciju negativnih komentara o tehnici iz filozofske perspektive. Martin Heidegger i Herbert Marcuse najutjecajniji su filozofi 20. stoljeća koji su se bavili negativnim aspektima tehnike. Heidegger je prikazao destruktivne učinke znanstvene racionalnosti i tehnike na zapadnu kulturu kroz kritiku tradicionalne zapadne metafizike na fenomenološ- ko-ontološkoj razini, dok je Marcuse, kao predstavnik zapadnoga marksizma, oblikovao svoju kritiku tehnike u kontekstu pojma instrumentalne racionalnosti te kritike razvijenog industrijskog društva i kapitalizma. Iako su polazišne točke njihovih pogleda na tehniku, kao i osnovne svrhe kritike tehnike, različite, može se reći da obojica imaju poprilično negativno i gotovo u potpunosti pesimističko shvaćanje tehnologije. U tom će se kontekstu razmotriti Heideggerova i Marcuseova kritika tehnike kao i razlike i sličnosti između tih dvaju pristupa. Zaključno će rad naglasiti mogućnost pozitivne uloge tehnike, koja može služiti kao alternativa negativnoj perspektivi osvjetljavajući odnos između nedavnih pobuna i interneta. ; In the paper "The 'Bubbling Up' of Subterranean Politics in Europe", which was published in 2013 in the Journal of Civil Society, mary Kaldor and Sabine Selchow attempted to reveal the specific qualities of the uprisings which emerged after the year 2010 in some European countries, such as Germany, Spain, Italy, England etc. According to the authors, the mode of organization which forms the main body of these emancipatory movements obtains its basic logic from the world of the Internet. The use of the Internet requires a re-evaluation of negative philosophical commentary regarding technology. In the context of the twentieth century philosophy, martin Heidegger and Herbert marcuse are the most influential philosophers who studied on the negative aspects of technology. Heidegger portrayed the destructive effects of scientific reasoning and technology on the Western culture through the criticism of the traditional Western metaphysics on a phenomenological-ontological level. marcuse, belonging to the tradition of Western marxism, formed his critique of technology in the context of the concept of instrumental rationality and the critique of advanced industrial society and capitalism. Although the starting points of their perspectives on technology and the underlying purposes of their critiques of technology were different, it may be asserted that both have a rather negative and almost entirely pessimistic disposition towards technology. Heidegger's and marcuse's criticisms of technology will be discussed in this context and the differences and similarities between these criticisms will be shown. Finally, the paper will emphasise the question of the possibility of a positive role of technology. Technology can serve as an alternative to negative uses by shedding light on the relation between the current uprisings and the Internet. ; Dans l'article « The "Bubbling Up" of Suberranean Politics in Europe » publié en 2013 dans Journal of Civil Society, mary Kaldor et Sabine Selchow tentent de mettre en lumière les caractéristiques spécifiques des révoltes qui ont fait jour après 2010 dans certains pays européens – Allemagne, Espagne, Italie, Angleterre, etc. Selon nos auteures, le mode d'organisation qui a formé le corps essentiel de ces mouvements émancipatoires tire sa logique de base du monde de l'internet. Cette analogie avec l'internet requiert une réévaluation, à partir d'un point de vue philosophique, des commentaires négatifs sur la technologie. martin Heidegger et Herbert marcuse sont les philosophes les plus influents ayant travaillé sur les aspects négatifs de la technologie au sein de la philosophie du XXe siècle. Heidegger a dépeint les effets destructeurs de la raison scientifique et de la technologie de notre culture occidentale à travers son criticisme de la métaphysique traditionnelle occidentale à un niveau phénoménologico-ontologique, tandis que marcuse, membre du « communisme occidentale », a formé une critique de la technologie au sein du concept de rationalité instrumentale et une critique de la société industrielle avancée et du capitalisme. Bien que le point de départ de leur perspective sur la technologie et que le but sous-jacent de leur critique diffèrent, il est possible d'affirmer que leur point commun est d'avoir posé un regard négatif et presque entièrement pessimiste sur la technologie. À cet égard, le criticisme d'Heidegger et de marcuse vont être abordés afin d'en soulever les diffé- rences et les similarités. Enfin, cet article mettra l'accent sur la possibilité d'un rôle positif de la technologie qui pourrait servir d'alternative aux perspectives négatives en faisant la lumière sur le lien entre les révoltes actuelles et l'internet. ; In dem Artikel "The 'Bubbling Up' of Subterranean Politics in Europe", veröffentlicht im Jahre 2013 im Journal of Civil Society, versuchten mary Kaldor und Sabine Selchow die spezifischen Qualitäten der Aufstände zum Ausdruck zu bringen, die nach 2010 in den europäischen Ländern ausbrachen – Deutschland, Spanien, Italien, England usw. Nach Ansicht der Autoren erhält der modus der Organisation, der den Hauptkörper dieser emanzipatorischen Bewegungen bildet, seine grundlegende Logik aus der Welt des Internets. Die Analogie mit dem Internet erfordert eine Neubewertung der negativen Kommentare über die Technologie aus philosophischer Perspektive. martin Heidegger und Herbert marcuse sind die einflussreichsten Philosophen, die sich mit den negativen Aspekten der Technologie in der Philosophie des 20. Jahrhunderts befasst haben. Heidegger schilderte die zerstörerischen Auswirkungen der wissenschaftlichen Vernunft und Technologie auf die westliche Kultur durch die Kritik an der traditionellen abendländischen metaphysik auf der phänomenologisch-ontologischen Ebene, während marcuse, ein mitglied des westlichen marxismus, seine Kritik an der Technologie im Rahmen des Konzepts der instrumentellen Rationalität und der Kritik der fortgeschrittenen Industriegesellschaft und Kapitalismus geformt hat. Obgleich die Ansatzpunkte ihrer Perspektiven über die Technologie und die zugrunde liegenden Zwecke ihrer Kritik an der Technologie unterschiedlich waren, kann behauptet werden, dass beide eine eher negative und fast völlig pessimistische Einstellung zur Technologie hatten. In diesem Zusammenhang werden Heideggers und marcuses Kritiken an der Technologie diskutiert sowie Unterschiede und Ähnlichkeiten zwischen den beiden Kritiken aufgezeigt. Abschließend unterstreicht das Paper die Frage nach der möglichkeit einer positiven Rolle für die Technologie, die als Alternative zur negativen Perspektive dienen kann, indem sie Licht in das Verhältnis zwischen aktuellen Aufständen und Internet bringt.
Članak nastoji rasvijetliti tendencije suvremene etizacije u različitim područjima života, od gospodarstva i tehnike do znanosti i politike, s posebnim naglaskom na pravnu domenu. Ključno je pitanje: kako se danas masovno nabujala etizacija svijeta života odnosi prema načelu odvajanja prava i morala te prema vladavini prava kao minimuma morala u društvu? Teoretsko je polazište za ovo razmatranje Thomasiusova podjela naravnoga prava na honestum, decorum i iustum te Kantova dihotomija metafizičkih temelja nauka o pravu i kreposti u Metafizici ćudoređa. Taj je okvir upravo vrhunac prosvjetiteljskih nastojanja za strogim odvajanjem sfere zakonitosti i moralnosti. Postavlja se u tom sklopu pitanje, potkopavaju li suvremene etičke tendencije prosvjetiteljsko naslijeđe zaštite ljudskih prava. Na temelju takva dihotomna modela dalje se raščlanjuje utjecaj nedavne ekspanzije profesionalnih, medicinskih, znanstvenih, poslovnih i drugih oblika etike, masovno uspostavljanje etičkih povjerenstava, politička korektnost i djelovanje javnoga mnijenja na okvir ljudskih temeljnih sloboda. Za ilustraciju prikazana su dva ogledna primjera iz Hrvatske – normativni nedostaci etičkoga kodeksa i zloporaba etičkoga tijela u političke svrhe. U zaključku se obrazlaže kako suvremena etizacija može donijeti dobre plodove promicanjem ćudorednih pitanja i pravne zaštite. Međutim, ona ne smije prekoračivati granice i potkopavati vladavinu prava. Razdvajanje morala i prava znatna je baština demokratske ustavne države. Neobuzdana i preobilna etizacija raznih sfera, međutim, može biti pogubna za dobro uređenje i blagostanje u suvremenom, sve više pluralističkom i multikulturnom društvu. Primjerenije je stoga da o pravu sude nepristrani sudci i neovisni sudovi, držeći se u pravorijeku stoljećima izborenih i utvrđenih mjerila pravednosti; oni to zacijelo čine znatno pravednije nego što bi to činili provizorni etički odbori i ad hoc imenovani povjerenici. Etika se može baviti unutarnjom stranom djelovanja i moralnim maksimama. No, etičke maksime nisu uvijek vezane uz izvanjsku pravnu prisilu. O toj bitnoj razlici, koju bi svako društvo trebalo pažljivo razgraničiti i propisati, ovisi u bitnome ostvarenje ljudske slobode u njezinoj punini. ; This paper seeks to shed light on the trends of contemporary ethicisation in various areas of life, from business and technology to science and politics, with special emphasis on the legal domain. The key question is: how does nowadays immensely enlarged ethicisation of the lifeworld relate to the principle of separating legality from morality and the rule of law as the minimum of moral in the society? Theoretical framework for this analysis is Thomasius' division of natural law into honestum, decorum and iustum, as well as Kant's dichotomy of the metaphysical foundations of the doctrine of law and virtue in the Metaphysics of Morals. This framework represents the pinnacle of the demand of the Enlightenment era for a separation of the spheres of legality and morality. The question is raised as to whether contemporary ethical tendencies undermine the legacy of the Enlightenment regarding the protection of the human rights. Based on this dichotomous model, the impact of the recent expansion of professional, medical, scientific, business and other forms of ethics, the massive establishment of ethics committees, political correctness, and the mediation of public opinion on the framework of human fundamental freedoms is further elaborated. By way of illustration, two exemplary case studies from Croatia are presented—the normative flaws of a code of ethics and the misuse of an ethical body for political purposes. The conclusion elaborates how contemporary ethicisation can produce good results by promoting legal issues and legal protection. However, it should not exceed the limits and undermine the rule of law. The separation of morality and law is an important legacy of the democratic constitutional state. The unbridled and extensive ethicisation of various spheres, though, can be devastating to good order and well-being in the contemporary increasingly pluralistic and multicultural society. Therefore, the impartial tribunals should judge by the centuries-old and established standards of justice; they do it more equitably than the provisional ethical committees and the ad hoc appointed commissioners would. Ethics may continue to deal with the inner side of action and maxims. Nevertheless, the ethical maxims are not always bound to external compulsion. The full realisation of human freedom depends on this essential distinction, which every society should carefully determine and regulate. ; Cet article vise à faire la lumière sur les tendances de l'éthisation contemporaine dans divers domaines de la vie : des affaires et technologie à la science et politique, en mettant un accent particulier sur le domaine juridique. La question clé est la suivante : quel est le rapport entre l'éthisation contemporaine du monde de la vie, massivement accrue, avec le principe de la séparation entre le droit et la morale et la primauté du droit en tant que minimum de morale ? La présupposition de départ pour cette réflexion est la division par Thomasius de la loi naturelle en honestum, decorum et iustum, ainsi que la dichotomie par Kant des fondements métaphysiques de la doctrine du droit et de la vertu dans la Métaphysique des Mœurs, ledit cadre représentant le comble de l'exigence des Lumières pour une séparation stricte entre les sphères de la légalité et de la moralité. La question se pose de savoir si les tendances éthiques contemporaines nuisent l'héritage des Lumières de la protection des droits de l'homme. Sur la base de ce modèle dichotomique, une analyse plus profonde est fournie ayant pour but de démontrer l'impact de l'expansion récente des formes de l'éthique professionnelle, médicale, scientifique, des affaires et autres, de la mise en place massive des comités d'éthique, de la rectitude politique et de la médiation de l'opinion publique. A titre d'illustration, deux études sur des cas exemplaires en Croatie sont ici traitées: les faiblesses normatives d'un code d'éthique et l'abus d'un organe éthique à des fins politiques. En conclusion, il est montré que l'éthisation contemporaine peut porter ses fruits en promouvant les questions morales et la protection juridique. Cependant, elle ne doit pas dépasser les limites de le régime du droit et le nuire. La séparation entre la morale et le droit est un héritage important de l'Etat constitutionnel démocratique. L'éthisation effrénée et étendue à divers domaines peut néanmoins être dévastatrice pour le bon ordre et le bien-être dans la société contemporaine de plus en plus pluraliste et multiculturelle. Par conséquent, les juges impartiaux et les tribunaux indépendants devraient juger selon les normes de la justice séculaires et bien établies ; ils le font de manière plus équitable que le feraient le comité d'éthique provisoire ou les commissaires nommés ad hoc. L'éthique peut continuer à traiter du côté intérieur des actions et des maximes. Néanmoins, les maximes éthiques ne sont pas toujours liées à la contrainte juridique extérieure. De cette distinction essentielle, que chaque société devrait déterminer et réglementer avec soin, dépend avant tout la réalisation de la liberté humaine dans sa plénitude. ; Dieser Aufsatz versucht, die Tendenzen der zeitgenössischen Ethisierung in verschiedenen Bereichen des Lebens, von der Wirtschaft und Technik bis hin zur Wissenschaft und Politik, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Rechtsdomäne, zu beleuchten. Die Schlüsselfrage lautet: Wie verhält sich die heutige massiv angewachsene Ethisierung der Lebenswelt zum Grundsatz der Trennung von Legalität und Moralität sowie zum rechtsstaatlichen Postulat des Rechts als des Minimums der Moral in der Gesellschaft? Als Rahmen für die Untersuchung dient die Aufteilung des Naturrechts in honestum, decorum und iustum bei Thomasius, ferner Kants Dichotomie der metaphysischen Anfangsgründe der Rechts- und Tugendlehre in der Metaphysik der Sitten, wo als Höhepunkt die aufklärerische Forderung nach einer strengen Scheidung der Sphäre der Legalität von der Moralität untermauert wurde. Es wird die Frage erörtert, ob zeitgenössische Ethisierungstendenzen das aufklärerische Erbe der Verteidigung der Menschenrechte untergraben. Ausgehend von diesem dichotomischen Modell wird erörtert, welche Auswirkungen die jüngere Ausweitung der Ethik im Berufsleben, in Medizin, Wissenschaft, Geschäftsbeziehungen sowie sonstige Formen der Ethik, ferner die massiven Gründungen von Ethikkommissionen, die politische Korrektheit und die öffentliche Meinungsbildung auf den Rahmen der menschlichen Grundfreiheiten haben. Zur Veranschaulichung werden zwei Fallbeispiele aus Kroatien angeführt: die normativen Mängel eines Ethikkodexes und der Missbrauch eines ethischen Gremiums zu politischen Zwecken. Abschließend wird festgestellt, dass die zeitgenössische Ethisierung gute Früchte tragen kann, sofern sie die Rechtsfragen und den Rechtsschutz fördert. Aber sie darf dabei nicht die Grenzen überschreiten und den Rechtsstaat untergraben. Die Trennung von Moral und Recht ist ein wichtiges Erbe des demokratischen Rechtsstaates. Die ungezügelte und extensive Ethisierung verschiedener Sphären kann indessen für die gute Ordnung und das Wohlleben in der heutzutage immer ausgeprägteren pluralistischen und multikulturellen Gesellschaft verheerend sein. Daher mögen lieber unparteiische Richter und unabhängige Gerichtshöfe nach den in vielen Jahrhunderten errungenen und bewährten Maßstäben der Gerechtigkeit urteilen; sie tun dies gerechter, als es provisorische Ethikkomitees und ad hoc ernannte Beauftrage je tun würden. Die Ethik mag sich weiter mit dem inneren Bereich des Handelns und den Maximen befassen. Die ethischen Maximen sind aber dem äußeren Zwang nicht immer verpflichtet. Von dieser wesentlichen Unterscheidung, die jede Gesellschaft sorgfältig bestimmen und reglementieren sollte, hängt die Verwirklichung der Menschenfreiheit in ihrer Fülle ab.