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The thesis of this study is that dictators cannot be made in spite of socially propitious circumstances for their existence. Accordingly, transcending person-centered approaches – which limit themselves to intra-individual dynamics in the explanation of the origin of authoritarianism – I demonstrate how four important factors in concert have contributed to the making of Mengistu HaileMariam of Ethiopia as a dictator. First, the social and political basis for Mengistu's dictatorship was grilled by his predecessor, Emperor HaileSelassie, who, in order to augment his political position, was deeply interested in the centralization of power. Second, the absence of strong civil society, which could have acted as a counterweight to state power, set the condition for Mengistu's dictatorial regime. Third, Mengistu and his table companions justified their rule by an emergent ideology whose premises were drawn from the political philosophy of Marxism–Leninism and the social history of Ethiopia. Finally, favorable international context created a structurally conducive atmosphere for dictatorship through the acquisition of appropriate resources that reinforced Mengistu's militaristic establishment. However, none of these conditions by itself effectively addresses the issue under discussion without aligning it with the remaining set of conditions. Future study needs to focus on other cases in order to see if the same state of affairs were operative in the rise of a dictator.

This paper analyzes three Chilean graphic novels that use science fiction rhetoric and aesthetics to constitute fables that are developed with a look at the Chilean dictatorship and on the figure of Augusto Pinochet. The review of these novels allows to identify the way in which the character of the dictator is configured both from the textual narrative and from a visual perspective through the use of illustrations, combining a multimodal discourse that feeds from memory, history and science fiction, giving life to a character Pinochet. ; Este artículo analiza tres novelas gráficas chilenas que utilizan la retórica y la estética de ciencia ficción para constituir fabulaciones que se desarrollan con una mirada hacia la dictadura chilena y a la figura de Augusto Pinochet. La revisión de estas obras permite identificar la forma en la que el personaje del dictador es configurado tanto desde la narrativa textual como desde una perspectiva visual mediante el uso de las ilustraciones, conjugando un discurso multimodal que se alimenta de la memoria, la historia y la ciencia ficción, dando vida a un Pinochet personaje.

In 1970, Dr. Salvador Allende, presidential candidate of theUnidad Popularcoalition, won a plurality — but not a majority — of votes from the Chilean electorate. Consequently, and in accord with Chilean electoral laws and constitution, the Chilean Congress was called upon to vote for the president, and it selected Dr. Allende as the country's new president. Soon thereafter a wave of opposition to his administration developed among business and middle-class sectors: Rightist political movements and parties, entrepreneurial associations, some white-collar unions, as well as groups representing both commercial interests and those of small business. Eventually this opposition determined that "the government of Allende was incompatible with the survival of freedom and private enterprise in Chile, (and) that the only way to avoid their extinction was to overthrow the government" (Cauce, 1984).

This article highlights the renewed interest in the history of the coup of 1964 and the dictatorship that followed in Brazil, as well as some debates involved in the production of memoirs, investigative journalism and academic research on the topic. It analyses at more length one of the polemics: the increasing use of the term 'civilian‐military' to qualify the coup, the rule, and the dictatorship. It argues that – independent of the use of the term – the most important aspect is to understand the complex relationship between the military and civilians as part of a broader process of conservative modernisation during this period.

Violent crime rates have increased dramatically in many parts of the world in recent decades, with homicides now outpacing deaths due to interstate or civil wars. Considerable variations exist across democracies in their violent crime rates, however: different autocratic experiences help explain why this is the case. Democracies emerging from military rule have higher homicide rates because they typically inherit militarized police forces. This creates a dilemma after democratization: allowing the military to remain in the police leads to law enforcement personnel trained in defense rather than policing, but extricating it marginalizes individuals trained in the use of violence. The results of cross-national statistical tests are shown to be consistent with this argument.