Suchergebnisse

The aim of this thesis work is to analyze the historical-legal mechanisms that led to the legitimization of the civil-military dictatorship in the first years after the coup d'état in Brazil through the first institutional acts and the 1967 Constitution, in order to evaluate the action of the Judiciary in the face of the violations of fundamental rights committed during the period 1964 to 1969.In order to give the appearance of normality and legitimacy, democratic mechanisms were maintained throughout the regime, such as the maintenance of the National Congress, a moderate opposition party and a judicial system, despite its exceptional profile. At the same time, an exceptional law and a large administrative and institutional structure that was relatively effective was built to repress opponents. This required good jurists to legally base their acts of dictatorship, because, even though they were incompatible with the rule of law and the constitutional order in force, and also because, for this reason, they sought to give an institutional garb to the norms and organs of repression, regulating and bureaucratizing political persecution.In an era marked by the appreciation of the rule of law, one of the protagonists of which is the judiciary, it is necessary to indicate how Brazilian judges have dealt with the authoritarian order established in 1964 and their present commandments on arbitrarily assembled instruments, without neglecting the attempt to locate the most obvious causes of the judges' position, both political and judicial, whether or not refractory to the initiation of the Brazilian army that took political power by force. ; Ce travail de thèse vise à analyser les mécanismes historico-juridiques qui ont conduit la légitimation de la dictature civile-militaire dans les premières années après le coup d'État au Brésil par les premiers actes institutionnels et la Constitution de 1967, afin d'évaluer l'action du pouvoir judiciaire face aux violations des droits fondamentaux commises pendant la période 1964 à ...

The aim of this thesis work is to analyze the historical-legal mechanisms that led to the legitimization of the civil-military dictatorship in the first years after the coup d'état in Brazil through the first institutional acts and the 1967 Constitution, in order to evaluate the action of the Judiciary in the face of the violations of fundamental rights committed during the period 1964 to 1969.In order to give the appearance of normality and legitimacy, democratic mechanisms were maintained throughout the regime, such as the maintenance of the National Congress, a moderate opposition party and a judicial system, despite its exceptional profile. At the same time, an exceptional law and a large administrative and institutional structure that was relatively effective was built to repress opponents. This required good jurists to legally base their acts of dictatorship, because, even though they were incompatible with the rule of law and the constitutional order in force, and also because, for this reason, they sought to give an institutional garb to the norms and organs of repression, regulating and bureaucratizing political persecution.In an era marked by the appreciation of the rule of law, one of the protagonists of which is the judiciary, it is necessary to indicate how Brazilian judges have dealt with the authoritarian order established in 1964 and their present commandments on arbitrarily assembled instruments, without neglecting the attempt to locate the most obvious causes of the judges' position, both political and judicial, whether or not refractory to the initiation of the Brazilian army that took political power by force. ; Ce travail de thèse vise à analyser les mécanismes historico-juridiques qui ont conduit la légitimation de la dictature civile-militaire dans les premières années après le coup d'État au Brésil par les premiers actes institutionnels et la Constitution de 1967, afin d'évaluer l'action du pouvoir judiciaire face aux violations des droits fondamentaux commises pendant la période 1964 à ...

The aim of this thesis work is to analyze the historical-legal mechanisms that led to the legitimization of the civil-military dictatorship in the first years after the coup d'état in Brazil through the first institutional acts and the 1967 Constitution, in order to evaluate the action of the Judiciary in the face of the violations of fundamental rights committed during the period 1964 to 1969.In order to give the appearance of normality and legitimacy, democratic mechanisms were maintained throughout the regime, such as the maintenance of the National Congress, a moderate opposition party and a judicial system, despite its exceptional profile. At the same time, an exceptional law and a large administrative and institutional structure that was relatively effective was built to repress opponents. This required good jurists to legally base their acts of dictatorship, because, even though they were incompatible with the rule of law and the constitutional order in force, and also because, for this reason, they sought to give an institutional garb to the norms and organs of repression, regulating and bureaucratizing political persecution.In an era marked by the appreciation of the rule of law, one of the protagonists of which is the judiciary, it is necessary to indicate how Brazilian judges have dealt with the authoritarian order established in 1964 and their present commandments on arbitrarily assembled instruments, without neglecting the attempt to locate the most obvious causes of the judges' position, both political and judicial, whether or not refractory to the initiation of the Brazilian army that took political power by force. ; Ce travail de thèse vise à analyser les mécanismes historico-juridiques qui ont conduit la légitimation de la dictature civile-militaire dans les premières années après le coup d'État au Brésil par les premiers actes institutionnels et la Constitution de 1967, afin d'évaluer l'action du pouvoir judiciaire face aux violations des droits fondamentaux commises pendant la période 1964 à ...

Under the Argentinian military dictatorship (1976-1983), the ruling Junte had set up 340 concentration camps across the country where the vast majority of detainees were subjected to torture before being murdered. The article focuses on the main concentration camp at the time, the Marine Mechanical School, ESMA, where 5000 people were exterminated. There were only 200 survivors. The Marine Military Staff had planned in advance the crackdown that was to follow the coup. Within the Junte, Admiral Maste will see a wide range of actions being given to his weapon. It sought to give maximum scope to repression. Under the impulse of various commanders, human hunting is of considerable importance. It targets not only the subversives stricto sensu C'is essentially the Montoneros péronistes- but any individual who is supposed to be a real or supposed opponent to the National Reorganisation Process. The officers practiced torture and Admiral Massera in person did not hesitate to lead by example. ESMA was indeed a concentration camp even if it did not match the image of the Nazi death camps. A repenti, Scillingo, reported on the circumstances of 'death theft'. The truth about the Junte's atrocities was gradually emerging thanks mainly to the national and international impact of the heroic action of the Mères de la Place de Mai. This was known in particular of the sequestration and murder of two French religions, Alice Domon and Léonie Duquet. Argentinian military personnel were deaf at all pressure. The only country that could have had influence was the United States, but Secretary of State Kissinger covered the Junte. A fundamental element of ESMA's functioning requires reporting in order to assess the political significance of this concentration camp. The organisation and the objectives were not the result of chance or improvisation, but the faithful translation of a law enforcement planning planned by the highest levels of the army, starting in 1975. In line with the United States, Argentinian military personnel blindly ...

During the military dictatorship of 1968-1974, France sent its top intelligence specialists to Brazil. Coming from a variety of political backgrounds, these men ensured the transfer of the French army's colonial doctrines to the Brazilian army and created opportunities for the French industries that were reconstituted in the aftermath of the Second World War. In less than twenty years, the French army completely reshaped the Brazilian military's perception of its role. The technology exported was not just material, but also political. It enabled the construction of a new military system, based on the principle of anti-subversive warfare, the action of intelligence services and the hegemony of industrial groups linked to armaments. As a result, France made a significant contribution to the strategic autonomy of the Brazilian army, providing a significant alternative to the presence of the United States. Using a large number of archive documents, this book seeks to understand how these special links between the French and Brazilian militaries were built. - Durant les années de plomb (1968-1974), la France a envoyé ses plus grands spécialistes du renseignement au Brésil. Issus d'horizons politiques divers, ces hommes ont assuré le transfert des doctrines coloniales de l'armée française vers l'armée brésilienne et ont créé des débouchés pour les industries françaises reconstituées dans l'après Seconde Guerre mondiale. En moins de vingt ans, l'armée française a entièrement remodelé la perception que les militaires brésiliens avaient de leur rôle. La technologie exportée n'était pas uniquement matérielle, mais aussi politique. Elle a permis la construction d'un nouvel édifice militaire, fondé sur le principe de la guerre anti­subversive, l'action des services de renseignement et l'hégémonie des groupes industriels liés à l'armement. La France a ainsi largement contribué à l'autonomie stratégique de l'armée brésilienne, constituant un contrepoids certain à la présence des États-Unis. À partir de nombreux documents d'archives, cet ouvrage a pour ambition de comprendre la manière dont ces liens particuliers entre militaires français et brésiliens ont été construits.

Violent repression of the protest movement demanding the end of the military dictatorship since Dec. 1990.

This paper focuses on psychological trauma in the context of the state violence carried out by the military dictatorship in Chile (1973-1989). It studies nine cases where individuals were exposed to extreme situations:torture, incarceration, the disappearance of a loved one, exile, or all of the above together.The paper uses the psychoanalytical model as a frame of reference in order to understand and explore more deeply the question of trauma in the treatment of exposure to extreme situations. V/e performed a detailed analysis of the psychological functioning of each participant in the study by meansof an interview and projective tests (Rorschach and TAT).The main motivation for this research project was the denunciation of human rights violations during themilitary dictatorship. We have shown the psycho(patho)logical repercussions of these rights violations committed by humans against fellow humans, which are a clear example of the "extreme situations" studied inthe field of clinical psychopathology. Trauma is examined using a "pluralistic" approach, varying according tosubject age and to whether the trauma originated in the private or collective sphere. In this paper, we refer to collective trauma, where individual experience is tied to collective experience. However, unlike trauma resultingfrom natural disasters, accidents or attacks, where solidarity is employed to help those affected, trauma arisesin a dictatorship in a context where people are isolated and stigmatised, with the state using significant resourcesto separate part of the population from the wider community. Fr.rrthermore, in all traumatic situations, individualdifferences and individual potential fbr psychological readjustment lead to different results. Hence the importance of carrying out a detailed analysis of the population under study in order to avoid simplistic causalinferences (cause - effects) and take into account psychological complexity. ; Ce travail se centre sur le traumatisme psychique dans le cadre de la violence d'Etat exercée ...

This paper focuses on psychological trauma in the context of the state violence carried out by the military dictatorship in Chile (1973-1989). It studies nine cases where individuals were exposed to extreme situations:torture, incarceration, the disappearance of a loved one, exile, or all of the above together.The paper uses the psychoanalytical model as a frame of reference in order to understand and explore more deeply the question of trauma in the treatment of exposure to extreme situations. V/e performed a detailed analysis of the psychological functioning of each participant in the study by meansof an interview and projective tests (Rorschach and TAT).The main motivation for this research project was the denunciation of human rights violations during themilitary dictatorship. We have shown the psycho(patho)logical repercussions of these rights violations committed by humans against fellow humans, which are a clear example of the "extreme situations" studied inthe field of clinical psychopathology. Trauma is examined using a "pluralistic" approach, varying according tosubject age and to whether the trauma originated in the private or collective sphere. In this paper, we refer to collective trauma, where individual experience is tied to collective experience. However, unlike trauma resultingfrom natural disasters, accidents or attacks, where solidarity is employed to help those affected, trauma arisesin a dictatorship in a context where people are isolated and stigmatised, with the state using significant resourcesto separate part of the population from the wider community. Fr.rrthermore, in all traumatic situations, individualdifferences and individual potential fbr psychological readjustment lead to different results. Hence the importance of carrying out a detailed analysis of the population under study in order to avoid simplistic causalinferences (cause - effects) and take into account psychological complexity. ; Ce travail se centre sur le traumatisme psychique dans le cadre de la violence d'Etat exercée ...

This paper focuses on psychological trauma in the context of the state violence carried out by the military dictatorship in Chile (1973-1989). It studies nine cases where individuals were exposed to extreme situations:torture, incarceration, the disappearance of a loved one, exile, or all of the above together.The paper uses the psychoanalytical model as a frame of reference in order to understand and explore more deeply the question of trauma in the treatment of exposure to extreme situations. V/e performed a detailed analysis of the psychological functioning of each participant in the study by meansof an interview and projective tests (Rorschach and TAT).The main motivation for this research project was the denunciation of human rights violations during themilitary dictatorship. We have shown the psycho(patho)logical repercussions of these rights violations committed by humans against fellow humans, which are a clear example of the "extreme situations" studied inthe field of clinical psychopathology. Trauma is examined using a "pluralistic" approach, varying according tosubject age and to whether the trauma originated in the private or collective sphere. In this paper, we refer to collective trauma, where individual experience is tied to collective experience. However, unlike trauma resultingfrom natural disasters, accidents or attacks, where solidarity is employed to help those affected, trauma arisesin a dictatorship in a context where people are isolated and stigmatised, with the state using significant resourcesto separate part of the population from the wider community. Fr.rrthermore, in all traumatic situations, individualdifferences and individual potential fbr psychological readjustment lead to different results. Hence the importance of carrying out a detailed analysis of the population under study in order to avoid simplistic causalinferences (cause - effects) and take into account psychological complexity. ; Ce travail se centre sur le traumatisme psychique dans le cadre de la violence d'Etat exercée ...

Brazil experienced in March 1964 the start of one of the darkest and most painful chapters in the country's history. The right-wing military coup established, from the establishment of Institutional Act 5 (AI-5) in 1968, a strong and massive repression materialized by the restriction of freedom and by control and prohibition artistic expressions and political actions. Under this strategy of controlling these opponents, the military set up a strong and complex repressive apparatus of censorship and control of intellectual, cultural and artistic production. However, the military dictatorship does not result in a general exhaustion of the world of ideas, art and culture. Artists and intellectuals will develop other forms and means of expressing themselves and transmitting their ideological positions and discourse which became more complex and diverse in their means of expression, their resistance and their non-passivity in the face of repression. In this context of repression, since its beginnings in 1974, the theater company Asdrúbal Trouxe o Trombone was going to launch a dramaturgical revolution on the traditional stage of Brazilian theater. With an original and simple language, easily digested by the youth, and at the same time full of debauchery and sarcasm towards the status quo and the problems of Brazilian society, Asdrúbal Trouxe o Trombone was one of the major groups that took over from the dramaturgical experimentation of the 1960s. The troupe continued the path of unblocking the field by breaking consolidated structures, opening the theater to a major freedom and irreverence by promoting a shift in artistic thought which will result in part in the establishment of a a new theatrical aesthetic, Neither is it absent from a particular political ideology. The experimentation of dramaturgy, of which Asdrúbal Trouxe o Trombone will be one of the spearheads in the 1970s, was eager to determine the death of an established and consolidated theatrical system, and will shake the absolute truths imposed ...

Brazil experienced in March 1964 the start of one of the darkest and most painful chapters in the country's history. The right-wing military coup established, from the establishment of Institutional Act 5 (AI-5) in 1968, a strong and massive repression materialized by the restriction of freedom and by control and prohibition artistic expressions and political actions. Under this strategy of controlling these opponents, the military set up a strong and complex repressive apparatus of censorship and control of intellectual, cultural and artistic production. However, the military dictatorship does not result in a general exhaustion of the world of ideas, art and culture. Artists and intellectuals will develop other forms and means of expressing themselves and transmitting their ideological positions and discourse which became more complex and diverse in their means of expression, their resistance and their non-passivity in the face of repression. In this context of repression, since its beginnings in 1974, the theater company Asdrúbal Trouxe o Trombone was going to launch a dramaturgical revolution on the traditional stage of Brazilian theater. With an original and simple language, easily digested by the youth, and at the same time full of debauchery and sarcasm towards the status quo and the problems of Brazilian society, Asdrúbal Trouxe o Trombone was one of the major groups that took over from the dramaturgical experimentation of the 1960s. The troupe continued the path of unblocking the field by breaking consolidated structures, opening the theater to a major freedom and irreverence by promoting a shift in artistic thought which will result in part in the establishment of a a new theatrical aesthetic, Neither is it absent from a particular political ideology. The experimentation of dramaturgy, of which Asdrúbal Trouxe o Trombone will be one of the spearheads in the 1970s, was eager to determine the death of an established and consolidated theatrical system, and will shake the absolute truths imposed ...

Brazil experienced in March 1964 the start of one of the darkest and most painful chapters in the country's history. The right-wing military coup established, from the establishment of Institutional Act 5 (AI-5) in 1968, a strong and massive repression materialized by the restriction of freedom and by control and prohibition artistic expressions and political actions. Under this strategy of controlling these opponents, the military set up a strong and complex repressive apparatus of censorship and control of intellectual, cultural and artistic production. However, the military dictatorship does not result in a general exhaustion of the world of ideas, art and culture. Artists and intellectuals will develop other forms and means of expressing themselves and transmitting their ideological positions and discourse which became more complex and diverse in their means of expression, their resistance and their non-passivity in the face of repression. In this context of repression, since its beginnings in 1974, the theater company Asdrúbal Trouxe o Trombone was going to launch a dramaturgical revolution on the traditional stage of Brazilian theater. With an original and simple language, easily digested by the youth, and at the same time full of debauchery and sarcasm towards the status quo and the problems of Brazilian society, Asdrúbal Trouxe o Trombone was one of the major groups that took over from the dramaturgical experimentation of the 1960s. The troupe continued the path of unblocking the field by breaking consolidated structures, opening the theater to a major freedom and irreverence by promoting a shift in artistic thought which will result in part in the establishment of a a new theatrical aesthetic, Neither is it absent from a particular political ideology. The experimentation of dramaturgy, of which Asdrúbal Trouxe o Trombone will be one of the spearheads in the 1970s, was eager to determine the death of an established and consolidated theatrical system, and will shake the absolute truths imposed ...

Brazil experienced in March 1964 the start of one of the darkest and most painful chapters in the country's history. The right-wing military coup established, from the establishment of Institutional Act 5 (AI-5) in 1968, a strong and massive repression materialized by the restriction of freedom and by control and prohibition artistic expressions and political actions. Under this strategy of controlling these opponents, the military set up a strong and complex repressive apparatus of censorship and control of intellectual, cultural and artistic production. However, the military dictatorship does not result in a general exhaustion of the world of ideas, art and culture. Artists and intellectuals will develop other forms and means of expressing themselves and transmitting their ideological positions and discourse which became more complex and diverse in their means of expression, their resistance and their non-passivity in the face of repression. In this context of repression, since its beginnings in 1974, the theater company Asdrúbal Trouxe o Trombone was going to launch a dramaturgical revolution on the traditional stage of Brazilian theater. With an original and simple language, easily digested by the youth, and at the same time full of debauchery and sarcasm towards the status quo and the problems of Brazilian society, Asdrúbal Trouxe o Trombone was one of the major groups that took over from the dramaturgical experimentation of the 1960s. The troupe continued the path of unblocking the field by breaking consolidated structures, opening the theater to a major freedom and irreverence by promoting a shift in artistic thought which will result in part in the establishment of a a new theatrical aesthetic, Neither is it absent from a particular political ideology. The experimentation of dramaturgy, of which Asdrúbal Trouxe o Trombone will be one of the spearheads in the 1970s, was eager to determine the death of an established and consolidated theatrical system, and will shake the absolute truths imposed ...

Interview with Ricardo Lagos, the first socialist to be elected to the Chilean presidency since Salvador Allende in 1970, about his intentions to reform the Constitution inherited from General Pinochet's military dictatorship, his views on the military, globalization, regional integration, democracy, and other issues. Summaries in English and Spanish p. 451 and 467.

From 1964 to 1985, Brazil lives a period of dictatorial military government. Internal politics aim mostly to justify governmental actions and highlight the military forces as promoters of democracy and Christian ideals against corruption and communist invasion. A complex set of politics is put in place, including within the educational system. The university community reacts in different ways. Thirty years after the end of the Brazilian dictatorship, fourteen professors of the University of São Paulo were interviewed. Their memories of the facts show different feelings and emotions, at times contradictory. Five life pathways are drawn. The first one consists in remaining in the university to preserve research and teaching as an act of resistance. A second type of life pathway also consists in remaining in the university, yet at the same time offering clandestine resistance to the military ideology. This duplicity of action is the taken resort. A third type of life pathway refers to going into exile, either to different regions of the country, either abroad, as a life choice. A forth life pathway may be inferred by what some of the interviewees told: certain members of the university community used the ideological system of control to take personal advantages. And finally, the fifth life pathway consists in denying the social changes introduced by the new political system, life going on as if nothing had changed. Once the dictatorship began to fall, intellectual discussions are retaken. Some of the aforementioned life pathways converge toward political action. A university memory is built through the importance given to acts of bravery in spite of acts of military repression. ; De 1964 à 1985, le Brésil vit une période de gouvernement militaire de type dictatorial. La politique intérieure vise surtout à justifier les actions gouvernementales et met en avant le rôle des Forces armées comme défenseur de la démocratie et des idéaux chrétiens face à l'invasion communiste et à la corruption. Tout un ensemble de politiques est mis en place, y compris au sein du système éducatif. La communauté universitaire réagit de manière hétérogène. Trente ans après la fin de la dictature, quatorze professeurs de l'Université de São Paulo sont interviewés. Leurs remémorations des faits montrent des sentiments et des affects différents, parfois contradictoires. Cinq types de parcours de vie se dessinent. Le premier tient à une résistance de type proprement universitaire. Il s'agit, sur place, en poste, d'assurer la continuité de la recherche et de l'enseignement. Un deuxième type de parcours consiste à trouver refuge dans la clandestinité pour contrecarrer l'idéologie militaire, en poursuivant ses activités du quotidien en toute légalité. La duplicité en constitue le ressort. Un troisième représente l'exil, soit à l'intérieur du Brésil, soit à l'étranger. Un quatrième type de parcours relève d'un calcul que dénoncent certains professeurs: mettre à profit le système de contrôle idéologique en place pour en tirer des profits personnels. Un cinquième consiste à refuser certains événements introduits par le nouveau régime. La vie continue, ignorant les changements sociopolitiques. Une fois la dictature affaiblie, les discussions intellectuelles reprennent leur ancien élan. Certains types de parcours de vie convergent même vers des actions dans la vie politique. Une mémoire universitaire se construit par la mise en valeur d'actes de bravoure universitaire en dépit des actes de répression militaire.