Suchergebnisse

This paper analyzes three Chilean graphic novels that use science fiction rhetoric and aesthetics to constitute fables that are developed with a look at the Chilean dictatorship and on the figure of Augusto Pinochet. The review of these novels allows to identify the way in which the character of the dictator is configured both from the textual narrative and from a visual perspective through the use of illustrations, combining a multimodal discourse that feeds from memory, history and science fiction, giving life to a character Pinochet. ; Este artículo analiza tres novelas gráficas chilenas que utilizan la retórica y la estética de ciencia ficción para constituir fabulaciones que se desarrollan con una mirada hacia la dictadura chilena y a la figura de Augusto Pinochet. La revisión de estas obras permite identificar la forma en la que el personaje del dictador es configurado tanto desde la narrativa textual como desde una perspectiva visual mediante el uso de las ilustraciones, conjugando un discurso multimodal que se alimenta de la memoria, la historia y la ciencia ficción, dando vida a un Pinochet personaje.

This article seeks to describe the first findings of the research process described, focusing its construction and development in the narratives of social workers of the time (1973-1990), the notion of memory, power and resistance, clandestine social work and organizations related to the defense of human rights. Therefore, it is intended to identify in memory a space of resistance focused on social transformation, recognizing the historical relevance of the voices that played a leading role from social work and clandestine spaces of intervention, the military dictatorship established by Augusto Pinochet in Chile. ; El presente artículo busca describir los primeros hallazgos del proceso de investigación descrito, enfocando su construcción y desarrollo en los relatos de las trabajadoras sociales de la época (1973– 1990), la noción memoria, poder y resistencia, el trabajo social clandestino y organizaciones relacionadas con la defensa de los derechos humanos. Por lo tanto, se pretende identificar en la memoria un espacio de resistencia enfocado en la transformación social, reconociendo la relevancia histórica de las voces que protagonizaron desde el trabajo social y clandestinos espacios de intervención, la dictadura militar instaurada por Augusto Pinochet en Chile.

The political and economic crises faced today, evidenced by the manifestos of political parties and the texts published in social networks and in the press, point to Brazilian society the possibility of different directions, including that of an autocratic regime, with the return of the military to the public sphere. This article discusses the movements of acceptance and resistance to the military regime that was implemented in Brazil with the coup of 1964. It is observed that the military uprising received at that time the support of a large part of the Brazilian population, which sought ways to maintain its socioeconomic status to the detriment of a majority that perceived itself vulnerable in view of the forms of maintenance and expansion of power used by the regime. In this context, Tropicalism emerges as an example of a contesting movement. This text approaches the song "Culture and civilization" by Gilberto Gil, performed by Gal Costa, relating the ideas present in this composition with the understandings of politics and culture, in a multidisciplinary proposal, seeking to understand the resistance and counter-resistance movements that emerged in Brazil at the time.

This study documents a crucial dimension of the resistance of Nigerian civil society to a repressive and monumentally corrupt military state in the late 1980s and 1990s in Nigeria. Employing a neo-Gramscian theoretical framework, the study relates how a section of the media defied censorship laws, outright bans, incarceration and the assassination of opposition figures, to prosecute the struggle for democracy. It captures the tensions and contradictions between a pliant section of the media, which sought to legitimise the state and a critical section of the same media, which in alliance with radical civil society, invented rebellious outlets to carry on the struggle against dictatorship.The study seeks to make fresh departures by documenting not only the role of the national media in the throes of democratic struggle, but that of the international media whose role was influential in the years studied.Finally the report offers empirical proof of the mechanisms by which a vibrant civil society can curb the ravages of a predatory state in an African country. ; CONTENTS -- CHAPTER 1: Hegemonic Contest - Repressive State Versus Resurgent Media -- I. Introduction -- II. The Context - Antecedants -- III. Hegemony -- Theory IV. Hegemony and the Media - Applying the Theory -- CHAPTER 2: The Economic and Technological Tapestry - The Global Backdrop -- I. Nigerian Media - Economics, Technology and Ownership. The Context -- II. Harsh Economics and Survival Strategies -- III. Conclusion - Economics, Technology and Hegemony -- CHAPTER 3: Repression and Resistance 1989-93 -- I. Introduction -- II. Toughening Cadences and the Context of Repression -- III. Calendar of Repressive Activities -- IV. Coverage of the Annulment Controversy Crisis -- V. Conclusion -- CHAPTER 4: Censorship and Intolerance - The Media in the Abacha Years -- I. Introduction -- II. Harsh Cadences, Persecution and Resistance -- III. A Calendar of Repression -- IV. Editorial Postures - The June 1994 Crisis -- V. Conclusion -- CHAPTER 5: Driven Underground - The Guerrilla Media Phenomenon -- I. Introduction -- II. Profile and Perceptions -- III. Editorial Postures - The Election Annulment Controversy -- IV. The Self-Succession Controversy - Antecedents -- V. Linkages to Civil Society and Production Strategy -- VI. Conclusion - Retrospect and Prospect -- CHAPTER 6: Protest Vernacular - Neo-Traditional Media Versus the Military State. I. Introduction -- II. Historical and Sociological Woof -- III. Media Versus Military State -- IV. Conclusion - Orature and the Discourse Map -- CHAPTER 7: The Global Context - The International Media and the Crisis of Democratisation -- I. Introduction - The Issues -- II. Carrot and Stick Approach to Global Media -- III. Editorial Postures -- IV. The Media and Globalisation -- Concluding Remarks - Democratisation and Resurgent Media

Abstract The purpose of this article is to analyse British media coverage of the Brazilian dictatorship. Specifically, we examine coverage by the weekly news magazine The Economist in the period from the promulgation of Institutional Act 5 in December 1968, to 1975, the second year of the Geisel administration. We compare its coverage with that of The Times and The Guardian in order to reach an understanding of its portrayal of Brazil in terms of two themes in particular: economic performance (notably the 'Brazilian miracle'), and political repression. We relate the latter theme to the international condemnations of torture, and the disappearance of political prisoners. Furthermore, given that The Economist mainly covers issues from an economic perspective, we examine shifts in the frequency and content of articles about Brazil, and conclude that The Economist's portrayal of Brazil in the period under review deviated from that of much of the rest of the British Press.

This paper is concerned with academic silencing in Suriname and its links with the conflict that took place at the national level, which was given scant consideration in research. Emphasis will be given to the establishment of the hero-system in order to ensure peace and the connections between academic silencing, dictatorship and law and order. ; This paper is concerned with academic silencing in Suriname and its links with the conflict that took place at the national level, which was given scant consideration in research. Emphasis will be given to the establishment of the hero-system in order to ensure peace and the connections between academic silencing, dictatorship and law and order.

The present work is the result of the reflections provided by the classes of the Postgraduate Program in Sociocultural Practices and Social Development, at the University of Cruz Alta - UNICRUZ (RS). Thus, the proposal of analyzing and explaining the literary work "The House of Spirits" by the Chilean writer Isabel Allende was brought forward. Book that became a bestseller in Brazil, after its release in April 1984. This work aims to examine the construction of Isabel Allende's success in the 1980s, through the biographical and historical analysis of the representations of Chile, the Chilean military dictatorship and the reference to the female gender, elements that appear in her writings. The history of the work "The House of Spirits" portrays the life of the Trueba family, which over four generations was part of the social and political movements of Chile. The main figures of the plots are always women, especially the one who embodies the role of the writer, with the function of organizing and recreating the memory of the family in a text that allows establishing deep connections with other narratives of Latin American women.

Este artigo analisa a relação entre ação política e intelectual de um grupo associado ao Movimento Folclórico Brasileiro e o desenvolvimento e implementação de políticas culturais no contexto da ditadura militar nas décadas de 1960 e 1970 no Brasil. O artigo concentra-se em uma análise comparativa dessas políticas, com base em documentos do governo militar e em materiais criados por folcloristas, particularmente o material encontrado na Revista Brasileira de Folclore. A mobilização em torno do folclore e suas consequências no campo da política cultural confirmam a relevância contemporânea do assunto no Brasil. O artigo conclui que, embora atualmente poucos estudiosos do setor cultural se identifiquem como folcloristas e que o termo folclore seja frequentemente evitado, o legado do Movimento Folclórico Brasileiro ainda é muito influente nas políticas culturais do governo contemporâneo. ; This article analyzes the relationship between political and intellectual action of a group of folklorists associated with the Brazilian Folkloric Movement, and the development and implementation of cultural policies within the context of the military dictatorship in the 1960s and 1970s in Brazil. The article focuses on a comparative analysis of these policies based on documents from the military government as well as material created by folklorists, particularly material found in the Revista Brasileira de Folclore. The mobilization around folklore and its consequences in the field of cultural policy confirms the contemporary relevance of the subject in Brazil. The article concludes that although few scholars in the cultural sector currently identify as folklorists, and that the term folklore is often avoided, the legacy of the Brazilian Folkloric Movement is still very influential in contemporary government cultural policies.

This paper analyses the experience of 83 countries from the period of 1950 - 2004 and addresses the following question: when do democratic transitions produce (good) bad economic outcomes. Following the theoretical papers of Acemoglu et al . (2004, 2008(a)), an attempt is made to control for both de jure and de facto sides of political power. In addition, the countries with and without the experience of Military Dictatorship ( MD ) are analysed separately. The results imply that concentration of economic power per se produces bad economic outcomes. Besides, the data seem to contain an indication that democratisation induces additional socially wasteful investments into de facto political power. In addition, the analyses suggest that, when the army assumes political leadership, countries with low concentration of economic power demonstrate better economic performance. In terms of Acemoglu et al. (2007), this may support the idea that the institutional environment switches from a "weak" to a "strong" one. Finally, the potential trade - off between democratisation and political stability seems to be mainly relevant to the degree of severity of reoccurring economic crises in countries with MD experience.

Abstract This article presents some of the results of a critical exercise concerning the multiple uses of the past, considering the relations between indigenous peoples, state power structures and sectors of regional society. It reveals how the complex interplay between the construction of a regional mythography and the notion of "demographic voids" (Moreira, 2000) was created at the expense of the forced removal and reclusion of Guarani and Tupinikim groups and the expropriation of their lands in Espírito Santo state, Brazil. The study focuses on the indigenous versions of historical situations, the multiple forms of relationship between the state and indigenous peoples and the conditions of production of ethnographic data (Oliveira Filho, 1999:9).

This paper examines the metamorphosis of Nigeria's foreign policy from its traditional posture of a responsible nation in the international community, to a reckless player under the military between 1993 and 1999. Nigeria's reputation as a respectable state diminished under the Abacha regime, whose tyranny led to multiple violations of human rights and breaches of international moral and legal codes. This infamous posture eroded Nigeria's track record of provision of regional and global leadership. Its mineral and oil wealth had naturally imposed extra burdens of leadership in the continent of Africa and the world. The paper critically appraises this significant transition and departure from traditional foreign policy posture and international image during the Abacha era; and using the decision-making model of analysis, it discovers that with the Abacha intervention, a new chapter of domestic trava ils (anti-democracy activities, state-sponsored terrorism, poor human rights records, large-scale corruption and financial crimes, and the creation of artificial insulation against the world), coupled with an unorthodox manner of dealing with the international community commenced, which clouded the good image of the past. Nigeria thus got alienated in the global system. This paper identifies the pacifist role of the successive Abubakar regime, but submits that despite that approach, the grey areas such as the sudden death of Chief MKO Abiola (winner of the June 12 presidential elections) in his (Abubakar's custody), did not allow for a complete restoration of Nigeria's golden era of internationalism. Both regimes had thus bequeathed to the nation an unorthodox foreign policy and an unusual image, a development that compels a curious enquiry. The paper adopts a theoretical approach and relies exclusively on secondary data for analysis.

Defence date: 20 January 2006 ; Examining Board: Prof. Nancy G. Bermeo, Princeton University ; Prof. Donatella della Porta, European University Institute ; Prof. Antonis Liakos, University of Athens ; Prof. Luisa Passerini, Università di Torino ; First made available online 18 July 2018

No abstract availableRealidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 42, 1994: 871-888 ; La percepción más simple y estereotipada de Centroamérica, es la de que en casi todos sus países las dictaduras fueron una realidad vigente hasta hace poco tiempo y de que hoy la democracia ha florecido. La manifestación más evidente de dicho florecimiento radicaría en la sustitución de los gobiernos militares por los gobiernos civiles. Por supuesto, la transición observada en la región es muchísimo más compleja -y no necesariamente con derroteros tan optimistas- que ésta visión corrientemente difundida en algunos medios de difusión periodísticos y círculos políticos. En este trabajo se propone explorar esta complejidad y plantear: 1) que no todas las dictaduras en la región fueron similares; 2) que las causas del surgimiento de las dictaduras militares influyeron en su naturaleza; 3) que en medio de sus rasgos comunes las dictaduras militares tuvieron muchas variantes; 4) que el desmantelamiento de las mismas se hizo a través de diferentes formas; 5) que el resultado de dichas transiciones no necesariamente ha significado la democracia en todos los países de la región.Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 42, 1994: 871-888

This article refers to a research on the political memory of the military dictatorship in Brazil, held in three Brazilian cities (Belo Horizonte, Curitiba and São Paulo) in which we analyzed the social and psychopolitical impacts caused by the dictatorship as well as the redemocratization process in building the political memory of community and union leaders. The study revealed two important legacies that were found in the reports of interviewees: the first one refers to police repression, impunity, and authoritarianism still present in Brazilian society; the second legacy refers to the existence of a political memory built by social movements and communities that care about passing on, to the new generations, the events that occurred during the military dictatorship.Research has clearly shown that there is no single memory but several "underground memories" (Pollak, 1989), built by the popular classes, which contradict the versions disseminated by the official memory and enhance the social movements capacity of action as a strategy of resistance and political struggle of the movements today. To the extent that this fight is assumed by other spheres of Brazilian society it may contribute to memory policies in the fight against forgetting.

Soon after the overthrow of the democratic government of Salvador Allende (1970-1973) by the Chilean armed forces under the leadership of Augusto Pinochet, there were reports that the notorious Nazi war criminal Walther Rauff was participating in the severe human rights violations of the dictatorship (1973-1990). The national secret service, the Direccion de Inteligencia Nacional (DINA), was repeatedly referred to in this regard. While hard evidence for such activities has never been produced, the tenacious accusations currently still persist. Marcus Klein follows up on the origins of these allegations, charts their distribution, and analyses the importance this rumour wielded in the transnational debate about the military regime, especially during the 1970s.