We Cannot Remain Silent: Opposition to the Brazilian Military Dictatorship in the United States
In: Peace & change: PC ; a journal of peace research, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 326-328
ISSN: 1468-0130
In: Peace & change: PC ; a journal of peace research, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 326-328
ISSN: 1468-0130
In: Human rights quarterly: a comparative and international journal of the social sciences, humanities, and law, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 1182-1186
ISSN: 0275-0392
In: Latin American politics and society, Band 53, Heft 4, S. 208-211
ISSN: 1531-426X
In: Latin American perspectives: a journal on capitalism and socialism, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 157-186
ISSN: 0094-582X
Der chilenische Wohnungs- und Grundstücksmarkt wurde unter Pinochet dem freien Spiel der Kräfte überlassen, was zu verschärfter Segregation der städtischen Bevölkerung und 1984/85 zu Massendemonstrationen führte. Die Regierung wurde zu Konzessionen gezwungen. Der Autor meint, daß die im Kampf gegen die Wohnungsnot entstandenen Basisorganisationen eine eigenständige und wichtige Rolle in der zukünftigen politischen Entwicklung Chiles spielen werden
World Affairs Online
In: Latin American perspectives, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 157-186
ISSN: 1552-678X
Our situation is a nightmare that doesn't end because we can't even return the house. We wanted to die of shame the day we had to take out our things under the threat of legal seizure. It was humiliating, we felt like thieves. But I know it's not ourfault. It's the fault of an unfair system. The government ought to admit it, to say frankly that it doesn't want the middle class to have houses [HOY, October 28, 1985, No. 432J
In: Latin American perspectives, Band 12, Heft 4, S. 41-74
ISSN: 1552-678X
Argentina is the anchor of the continent, and more specifically of the Inter-American system. This country is necessarily important for any one who studies the strategy of the Free World. Argentina is the battlefront of the hemisphere [General Gordon Summer, President of the Inter-American Defence Council, October 1977] .
In: Mobilization: the international quarterly review of social movement research, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 125-126
ISSN: 1086-671X
In: The international journal of cultural policy: CP, Band 26, Heft 1, S. 1-15
ISSN: 1028-6632
World Affairs Online
In: International journal of cultural policy: CP, Band 26, Heft 1, S. 1-15
ISSN: 1477-2833
Testimonial and memoir of Lina Penna Sattamini's attempts to save her son from possible death at the hands of Brazil's military dictatorship, which had accused him of subversive activities in the early 1970s.
This study documents a crucial dimension of the resistance of Nigerian civil society to a repressive and monumentally corrupt military state in the late 1980s and 1990s in Nigeria. Employing a neo-Gramscian theoretical framework, the study relates how a section of the media defied censorship laws, outright bans, incarceration and the assassination of opposition figures, to prosecute the struggle for democracy. It captures the tensions and contradictions between a pliant section of the media, which sought to legitimise the state and a critical section of the same media, which in alliance with radical civil society, invented rebellious outlets to carry on the struggle against dictatorship.The study seeks to make fresh departures by documenting not only the role of the national media in the throes of democratic struggle, but that of the international media whose role was influential in the years studied.Finally the report offers empirical proof of the mechanisms by which a vibrant civil society can curb the ravages of a predatory state in an African country. ; CONTENTS -- CHAPTER 1: Hegemonic Contest - Repressive State Versus Resurgent Media -- I. Introduction -- II. The Context - Antecedants -- III. Hegemony -- Theory IV. Hegemony and the Media - Applying the Theory -- CHAPTER 2: The Economic and Technological Tapestry - The Global Backdrop -- I. Nigerian Media - Economics, Technology and Ownership. The Context -- II. Harsh Economics and Survival Strategies -- III. Conclusion - Economics, Technology and Hegemony -- CHAPTER 3: Repression and Resistance 1989-93 -- I. Introduction -- II. Toughening Cadences and the Context of Repression -- III. Calendar of Repressive Activities -- IV. Coverage of the Annulment Controversy Crisis -- V. Conclusion -- CHAPTER 4: Censorship and Intolerance - The Media in the Abacha Years -- I. Introduction -- II. Harsh Cadences, Persecution and Resistance -- III. A Calendar of Repression -- IV. Editorial Postures - The June 1994 Crisis -- V. Conclusion -- CHAPTER 5: Driven Underground - The Guerrilla Media Phenomenon -- I. Introduction -- II. Profile and Perceptions -- III. Editorial Postures - The Election Annulment Controversy -- IV. The Self-Succession Controversy - Antecedents -- V. Linkages to Civil Society and Production Strategy -- VI. Conclusion - Retrospect and Prospect -- CHAPTER 6: Protest Vernacular - Neo-Traditional Media Versus the Military State. I. Introduction -- II. Historical and Sociological Woof -- III. Media Versus Military State -- IV. Conclusion - Orature and the Discourse Map -- CHAPTER 7: The Global Context - The International Media and the Crisis of Democratisation -- I. Introduction - The Issues -- II. Carrot and Stick Approach to Global Media -- III. Editorial Postures -- IV. The Media and Globalisation -- Concluding Remarks - Democratisation and Resurgent Media
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In: In Revista Leituras da História, São Paulo: Editora Escala, n. 132, jan. 2020
SSRN
Working paper
This paper analyses the experience of 83 countries from the period of 1950 - 2004 and addresses the following question: when do democratic transitions produce (good) bad economic outcomes. Following the theoretical papers of Acemoglu et al . (2004, 2008(a)), an attempt is made to control for both de jure and de facto sides of political power. In addition, the countries with and without the experience of Military Dictatorship ( MD ) are analysed separately. The results imply that concentration of economic power per se produces bad economic outcomes. Besides, the data seem to contain an indication that democratisation induces additional socially wasteful investments into de facto political power. In addition, the analyses suggest that, when the army assumes political leadership, countries with low concentration of economic power demonstrate better economic performance. In terms of Acemoglu et al. (2007), this may support the idea that the institutional environment switches from a "weak" to a "strong" one. Finally, the potential trade - off between democratisation and political stability seems to be mainly relevant to the degree of severity of reoccurring economic crises in countries with MD experience.
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In: Human rights quarterly, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 1182-1185
ISSN: 1085-794X
In: War in history, Band 13, Heft 3, S. 413-415
ISSN: 1477-0385