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Edition of 20 copies signed by the artist. This is copy 9. "The design, printing, and binding are by Maria Veronica San Martin. Images were screenprinted on arches 88 paper. The text was printed digitally on a matte paper in Courier typeface"--Colophon. Artist's book with list of the names of people who disappeared during the 1973-1990 military dictatorship in Chile. Illustrated with portraits of some of the disappeared. Exposed accordion spine opens to reveal an illustration of the Palacio de la Moneda in Santiago de Chile. Bound in white cloth with title in black on front board.

Computer science has a curious history in Argentina: it began late (more than ten years later than in USA), had a ten-year span of flowering, was completely destroyed by the military dictatorship in 1966 and, disregarding some advances in small universities in the 1970s, began to weakly revive in 1983. In this article we shall analyze the ten-years long (1956-1966) "golden age" of computer science in Argentina, that is imbedded into a "golden age" of Argentinean universities. ; 2nd IFIP Conference on the History of Computing and Education ; Red de Universidades con Carreras en Informática (RedUNCI)

The issues of ethnicity and democratization and the prospects for development in postcolonial Africa have long preoccupied scholars. When most African countries gained independence from the colonialists in the 1960s, the ruling elites who inherited state power insisted that Africa could not afford the luxury of democracy because of its potential for exacerbating ethnic pluralism and political conflict, which would be detrimental to the more pertinent projects of development and integration/nation building. The ideology of development and national integration in postcolonial Africa thus became the justification for one-party rule, autocracy, and military dictatorship.

An examination of the relationship between football (futbol) & government in Brazil & Argentina. In both countries, the governments have had an important role in the development of the sport since the turn of the century. The association of football with politics in Brazil is seen through the examples of political leaders' public appearances at matches for political gain. In Argentina, a systematic relationship between football & government is seen under the government of Juan Peron. The Argentinean World Cup was hosted during the military dictatorship in 1978, & became a mechanism by which the government attempted to demonstrate its legitimacy to the world. A. Cole

Marini's theory identifies Brazil's development as a manifestation of imperialism. This study represents an analysis of the civilian political transition of the mid-1980s in the light of that interpretation. Given the conspiratorial and reactionary character of Brazilian politics during the military dictatorship in the 1960s, the broader implications of Marini's interpretation may have been obscured by its predictability. The persistence of subimperialism in the civilian transitional period, however, suggests its profoundly systemic nature. Of particular concern here is foreign policy, arguably a central dynamic of subimperialism and, in the case of Brazil, its most visible aspect. (LA Persp.)

En el Mundial del 78 –Mundial de Argentina– la selección albiceleste triunfó con la ayuda del «Matador» Kempes. No obstante, entre 1976 y 1983 se produjeron violaciones aberrantes de los derechos humanos, incluso durante los momentos de excitación futbolística. Tras la Dictadura se juzgó a los responsables de las atrocidades acaecidas. Mientras tanto, al otro lado del Atlántico, en España, en 1978 volvía a instaurarse un régimen democrático, con la promulgación de la Constitución española. Atrás quedaron los hechos sucedidos durante la Guerra Civil española y la Dictadura franquista. Nada se investigó, nada se juzgó… Y todo quedó en el olvido. ; In the World Cup of 1978 year –World Cup in Argentina– the Albiceleste national football team got the triumph with the help of the «Matador» Mario Alberto Kempes. Nevertheless, between 1976 and 1983 the most serious and aberrant human rights violations took place, even at the time of highest football excitation. After the Civil-military dictatorship the perpetrators and others officers responsible were tried and sentenced. Meanwhile, in Spain in 1978 year returned of democracy with the promulgation of the Spanish constitution. The events that took place during the Spanish Civil War and Franco dictatorship remained in the past. No investigation, no prosecution, no trials… So, whole was forgotten.

AbstractThis article analyses the history of the military clergy and contrasts its role in the Argentine and Chilean dictatorships on the basis of new, previously inaccessible sources. It is argued here that, in addition to its ideological orientation, two further factors explain differences in the influence of the military clergy on the two regimes: first, the structural position that the Military Vicariates occupied between the Church and the armed forces, and, second, the two dictatorships' different needs for legitimisation. The analysis provides information relevant to understanding the public role of the Catholic Church and the dimensions of violence during the regimes.

Nigerian independence has spanned through 57 years (from October 1, 1960). Of these 57 years the military have ruled for over 32 years. It was expected that the new state of Nigeria in due course would develop public institutions and out of their multiple ethnic communities and diverse cultural groups would emerge the spirit of the nation. Unfortunately, however, at independence, the British not only handed over leadership to a class of educated elite, but also handed over a regionalized, ethnic based administration. So, the emergence of a 3-region structure for Nigeria at independence had implications for nation building. A conscious policy or plan of making Nigeria a nation definitely includes putting in place a set of cultural values and practices for all those referred to as Nigerians. But the question is, did the military in its lengthy years of rule ever have the ambition or dream of building a nation? This paper contends that the military rule is a dictatorship rule which in itself produced all kind of challenges to nation building. These challenges include; the challenge of power- sharing; the challenge of unequal socio-economic development, intergroup tensions and conflicts among others. The paper concludes that nation building is a task for all and sundry; military as well as civilian administration.

Nigerian independence has spanned through 57 years (from October 1, 1960). Of these 57 years the military have ruled for over 32 years. It was expected that the new state of Nigeria in due course would develop public institutions and out of their multiple ethnic communities and diverse cultural groups would emerge the spirit of the nation. Unfortunately, however, at independence, the British not only handed over leadership to a class of educated elite, but also handed over a regionalized, ethnic based administration. So, the emergence of a 3-region structure for Nigeria at independence had implications for nation building. A conscious policy or plan of making Nigeria a nation definitely includes putting in place a set of cultural values and practices for all those referred to as Nigerians. But the question is, did the military in its lengthy years of rule ever have the ambition or dream of building a nation? This paper contends that the military rule is a dictatorship rule which in itself produced all kind of challenges to nation building. These challenges include; the challenge of power- sharing; the challenge of unequal socio- economic development, intergroup tensions and conflicts among others. The paper concludes that nation building is a task for all and sundry; military as well as civilian administration.

During the late 1960s and early 1970s, most Latin American countries experienced military coups and military interventions in government affairs. In Chile, the military coup of 1973 established a military regime that lasted seventeen years, from 1973 to 1990. As a result of the military dictatorship thousands of people were killed, disappeared and/or tortured. This study examines the influence of the institutional framework on the occurrence of torture and the behavior of torturers. Perpetrators of torture are the main source of information. Depth interviews were conducted with Chilean military and policemen who were active during the military regime, National Reports and judicial files were analyzed. The study traces the realities that a group within in the military regime faced and examines the ways in which participants attempted to cope with the criminal behavior that was encouraged by the institutional framework.

The aim of this article is to understand the reach of what was called "personalised education" in the course of Educational Sciences in the National University of La Plata (Argentina) during the last dictatorship period between 1976 and 1983. In that period, this perspective was identified with the work of the well known educationist Victor García Hoz, who was a key figure in the definition of curricular policies promoted by the Ministry of Education of the Nation. Research was done, firstly, on the concepts that profile his ideological matrix as spiritualist, catholic and technical, favouring his reception among intellectuals and officers of the military process. Garcia Hoz´s works were confronted with the pedagogic education contents in the mentioned course. Finally, educational practices were analysed recovering the views of those who were students and teachers of Pedagogy in the indicated period. ; El artículo tiene como propósito comprender el alcance de la denominada "educación personalizada" en la carrera de Ciencias de la Educación de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata (Argentina), durante la última dictadura militar, entre 1976 y 1983. En ese período, esta perspectiva se identificó con la obra del reconocido educador Víctor García Hoz, quien resultó una figura clave en la definición de las políticas curriculares nacionales. Indagamos, en primer lugar, las concepciones que perfilan su matriz ideológica espiritualista, católica y tecnicista que favorecieron su recepción por parte de los intelectuales y funcionarios del Proceso militar. Confrontamos, las obras de García Hoz con los contenidos de formación pedagógica de la mencionada carrera y, por último, analizamos las prácticas formativas que resultaban de la puesta en práctica de esas propuestas, recuperando la mirada de quienes fueron docentes y estudiantes de Pedagogía en el período.

This article analyzes the structural history of Argentine manufacturing sector in the period 1976-1983, under the refounding project promoted by the military dictatorship and its bases of support in civil society. Specifically, it investigates the behavior of a number of relevant variables in order to sketch the character both regressive and heterogeneity of the acute economic and industrial restructuring verified in those years. ; Este artículo analiza la trayectoria estructural del sector manufacturero argentino en el periodo 1976-1983, en el marco del proyecto refundacional impulsado por la dictadura militar y sus bases de sustentación en la sociedad civil. Específicamente, se indaga el comportamiento de una serie de variables relevantes con vistas a esbozar el carácter a la vez regresivo y heterogéneo de la aguda restructuración económico-industrial verificada en esos años.

URL del artículo en la web de la Revista: https://www.upo.es/revistas/index.php/americania/article/view/3938 ; El presente artículo profundiza en el proceso de reconversión del Ejército rebelde que, junto al `Movimiento 26 de Julio¿, provocó la caída de la dictadura militar encabezada por Fulgencio Batista en la República de Cuba y cómo se produjo su reformulación como ejército regular organizado bajo parámetros de verticalidad homologables a partir de 1962 con las directrices establecidas en el Pacto de Varsovia para las Fuerzas Armadas de los Estados socialistas. Del mismo modo, el artículo ahonda en el proceso de incorporación de la sociedad civil cubana a las tareas de aseguramiento y defensa del país bajo la dirección de las Fuerzas Armadas Cubanas ; This article delves into the process of reconversion of the rebel army which, together with the `Movimiento 26 de Julio¿, led to the fall of the military dictatorship led by Fulgencio Batista in the Republic of Cuba. It explores its institutionalization as a regular army, organized from 1962 under vertical parameters that are comparable with the guidelines set out in the Warsaw Pact for the armed forces of the socialist States. The article also explores the process of incorporation of Cuban civil society to the tasks of securing and defending the country under the direction of the Cuban armed forces ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide