Suchergebnisse

From the class meeting in Bruck in 1578 to Berlin Congress in 1878, i. e. from the very beginning till the end of its fundamental function, Military Border goes through various and very complex processes. Its problems in the 1850-ies are the topic of this paper. In spite of clear demands of political circles in Zagreb concerning the Military Border, the Monarchy in Vienna tries to protect it as a distinctly military institution that will not act against Hungary only but against national integration on the Balkan and Apenine Peninsula too. After the revolution in 1848/49 military and court circles in the Austrian monarchy invest special labours to turn the Military Border into a corpus separatum where military tradition will be further cherished, with corporal strictness, waiting for the development of events on the East, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. With the presence of Vienna and Budapest, especially after 1849, solving of the Military Border question is affected strongly by the impulse coming just from Zagreb. Trying to gather around itself the separated Croatian territories as soon as possible, Zagreb supported in the Military Border question up to Austro-Hungarian agreement in 1867 the opinion about the need of administrative integration of military and civil territories of Croatia. But, because the administrative integration does not put in the first plan demilitarization of Military Border, there appear due to such political conception in Zagreb some fundamental prerequisites for the collaboration between military and royal circles in Vienna and Croatian politicians. However, this collaboration left no deeper traces in the Croatian politics. The last ''Basic Law of Military Border", accepted in 1850, rejects all the projects of political representation of Croatia about the future of Military Border. The project has been saved as Jelačić's "Military Border Foundation" from 1849. In spite of expectations of Croatian politicians the last "Military Border Foundation" from 1850 tries to contribute to stabilization of Military Border mechanism and to its preserving. This new Military Border's constitution, contrary to demands of Croatian representatives formulated in the "Military Border Foundation" in 1849, declares the whole Military Border to be a part of the imperial army. Although the basic intention of that Law was to subordinate social relationships in Military Border to its main task, i. e. to supply the Monarchy permanently with cheap army, still it did not succeed to stop the process of social differentiation and destruction of outlived forms of traditional Military Border society, In this paper are analyzed first of all those social phenomena in Military Border which point to the movement of the social structure and the crisis of traditional military-rural society. Besides problems of disharmony between legal superstructure and social reality there are analyzed the efforts of Croatian business circles to hold back - by means of concentrating merchants and craftsmen in Croatia under the ban and in Military Border - the Austrian capital existing for centuries in Military Border, that important part of Croatian territories.

Finer investigated the phenomenon of politics in its spatial & temporal framework, trying to look into as many forms of government as possible & to find uniformity in their variety. He paid particular attention to a study of institutions of government, which he considered the core of politics. His investigations focused on the state. By condensing the consequences of the emergence of the state on the forms of government, Finer came up with two variables: the extent to which rulers establish a standardized central administration & the extent to which homogeneous culture, religion, & laws are achieved. The second important topic in Finer's research was military organization. He wanted to demonstrate how the survival of a state, international order, social distribution of power, governing, the degree of bureaucratization, & a regime's nature, are intertwined with the structure of the state's military institutions. His opinion was that the military organization is necessary for the establishment & preservation of political communities, regimes, & governments. According to Finer, the state's key functions are preparing for wars, waging wars, reconstructing the country after wars, & expecting the next war. Finer's third topic is the relationship between political & religious systems of belief. He stressed their dualistic nature, with two more or less independent hierarchies that have been a source of serious tensions. Furthermore, Finer links the existing system of beliefs, social stratification, & political institutions. Where these factors are balanced, the political community achieves permanent stability. 2 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

The relations between the civil & military sector in SFRY greatly affected its development & survival as well as its collapse. Within the political system of the former Yugoslavia, the military secured a certain degree of independence, which later evolved into power per se, in any moment ready to impose its own interest (when & if jeopardized) as the general public interest. Due to such status of the military, the political system of SFRY was deformed &, to a certain extent, continually endangered by such autonomous functioning of the military. This sense of imperilment was the more intensive the deeper the divisions among certain social groups & interests, the bitter the struggles & conflicts along economic, national, & ideological divide, the less prominent the role of the communist party. Such situations encouraged & facilitated the process of the transformation of the military (particularly its top echelon) into a "neutral force" & -- formally & factually into the key political institution on the federal level. Among the several basic models of the relations between the civil & the military sector, the one in SFRY meant that the military was a factor in political decision making & the factor in certain crises. This required a certain degree of political clout on the part of the military. This clout, required for its meddling into politics, was based on the military & political position of the country, the military communist party organization, the ownership, ie, financial resources, the existence of the external & "internal" enemies, the impotence of civil institutions in certain periods & the charisma of individual military officers. 2 Tables, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

Defense strategy is a critical component of the politics of national security that includes the political/military chain of resources, goals, & the theory of a given country on how to best "carry out" security for itself. Ideally, this includes an explanation of why that theory is expected to function. The defense strategy as a component of the politics of national security must identify possible threats for the country & must invent political, economic, military, & other means for elimination of these threats. Considering possible responses, defense strategies can be grouped into three categories: offensive, defensive, & deterrent. The goal of offensive strategies is to disarm the opponent -- to destroy his armed forces. The goal of defensive strategy is to not allow the opponent to reach his desired objectives. In the deterrent strategy when one punishes the attacker (aggressor) -- it increases his costs, although it does not decrease one's own. In the creation & development of an army & defense system in Croatia, a defense strategy is profiled that is bounded by the three possibilities outlined above, & limited by the following factors: the national strategy, the military strategy of the opponent, & international pressure. These factors are discussed in greater detail with the aim of determining their influence on the Republic of Croatia's defense strategy, & general defense strategies. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the genesis & the scenarios of the Kosovo crisis resolution, as well as the possible political reverberations of the NATO military intervention. The premise is that the Kosovo crisis is only a continuation of the break-up of the former Yugoslavia; Kosovo has for centuries been a separate entity largely populated by Albanians; the policy of Serbian nationalism has permanently discriminated against the Albanian population; & prior to the recent air strikes against Yugoslavia, Serbia had systematically led an ethnic-cleansing campaign on Kosovo. Although the author recognizes that support for the NATO military action can hardly be found in the tenets of the UN Charter, he argues that it can nevertheless be justified by international law. He points out that NATO's military campaign enjoyed the broad support of the people of NATO member countries, but that it has made a rift in the European Left. The new Left was in the forefront of the action, while the old, dogmatic, & sectarian Left found itself in the ranks of its most vocal opponents. The author claims that Milosevic, with his overall politics, & particularly his policy on Kosovo, had propelled the West into an action from which it could not extricate itself. He concludes that the consequences of Belgrade's defeat will be (1) the collapse of Milosevic's regime (the beginning of his end); (2) the final incapacitation of Milosevic's politics to create new conflicts; (3) the protectorate over Kosovo & its autonomy, with a factual independence from Serbia; (4) the independence of Montenegro; (5) Reinforcing the Dayton policy in Bosnia & Herzegovina (eliminating centrifugal tendencies); (6) the organized participation of the West in the transitional processes in this region (the pact on the stability of southeast Europe); & (7) bolstering the democratic & weakening the undemocratic tendencies in the region. Adapted from the source document.

International pressure prevented Croatia from ending the occupation of eastern Slavonia by military means. The author claims that the policy of peaceful integration & the UNTAES mandate are rife with risks that might jeopardize eventual Croatian control of that region. He points out a set of contentious issues related to the occupied territory: incomplete demilitarization, dual government (parallel UNTAES & Serbian authorities), no return for non-Serbian refugees, staying-in-place of Serbs from other parts of Croatia, Bosnia, & Serbia. Particularly risky for Croatia are the efforts of local Serbs to retain absolute ethnic majority as the grounds for establishing territorial autonomy, which would enable the militant acolytes of Greater Serbian politics to remain in the region & push for secession & annexation by Serbia -- efforts that would in all probability be given military support by Serbia, this time under circumstances that would be much more unfavorable for Croatia than in 1995. The author concludes that for Croatia, the only acceptable solution is the total integration of eastern Slavonia & the establishment of full Croatian sovereignty; the creation of a Serbian autonomous province in that region must on no account be permitted. Adapted from the source document.

The US is the front-runner of the contemporary process of globalization. The global American superiority in the political, military, economic, & cultural spheres goes hand in hand with globalization trends, focusing on the activity of the global leader. The design of the new strategic approach, which was to include its vision of new relations as well as of its global leading role, has been unhurried & circumspect. In the course of two Clinton mandates, the finishing touches of that new outlook gained concrete contours in practical actions, so it seems that the search for the place of the leader is soon going to be called off. American politics is entering the next millennium as a well-defined & organized enterprise with well-thought-out global objectives. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point in this article is a presupposition that the laissez faire tradition in economy and politics is legitimate. Still, the globalization processes point out the weaknesses of that presupposition. The author shows that the politicians (and theorists) of the most powerful countries have joined the antiglobalization camp. They no longer hold to the spirit of unity and humanity, and they spread capitalism with unpopular means: political and military might. In that sense the author points out to evidence that leads to a conclusion that the chances for a liberal political and economic philosophy are very weak. In fact, it is only an ideal. That is the sad result of the globalization process to date after the promise of Fukuyama's 'End of History'. Still, the author believes that not everything is lost. Adapted from the source document.

Krajem listopada 1993. pripadnici Armije Bosne i Hercegovine i Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Bosne i Hercegovine realizirali su akciju "Trebević-2", koja je bila predstavljena kao konačni obračun s kriminalnim skupinama u muslimanskoj vojsci na području Sarajeva. Za razliku od proklamiranoga cilja, tu je akciju muslimanski politički i vojni vrh iskoristio za rješavanje zaoštrenih odnosa u vrhu Armije Bosne i Hercegovine. Ti narušeni odnosi eruptirali su u razdoblju nakon uspostave dužnosti zapovjednika Armije Bosne i Hercegovine kojom je degradiran načelnik Glavnoga štaba general Sefer Halilović. Usto je akcija "Trebević" poslužila i za skretanje odgovornosti muslimanskoga političkog i vojnog rukovodstva od ratnih zločina počinjenih u operaciji "Neretva 93", gdje su sudjelovale upravo jedinice Armije Bosne i Hercegovine iz Sarajeva protiv kojih je isplanirana i provedena navedena akcija. ; In October 1993, the Muslim political and military leadership, with the full support of the President of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegović, planned and implemented a military-police operation that was, officially, supposed to introduce order among the 'renegade' commanders of the 9th Motorised and 10th Mountain Brigades of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina (AB&H). However, a reconstruction of the events that led up to the initiation of the mentioned operation casts doubt on the official version of the events. Namely, the Muslim political and military leadership had been aware of certain inappropriate activities of some units under its command as early as the first half of 1993, but failed to take any concrete actions to sanction them. On the contrary, despite being clearly aware of these problematic activities, the leadership of the AB&H continued to use such units in combat. In September 1993, parts of these units were actively involved in the operation 'Neretva 93', during which war crimes were committed against Croatian civilians in the village of Grabovica on 8 and 9 September. After a meeting held on 4 October 1993, the Muslim leadership headed by Izetbegović reached a decision to deal with the problematic military commanders of the AB&H and a part of the units under their control. However, this process of facing the criminal activities performed by members of the AB&H concealed the real conflict, which was the conflict about who had supreme influence over the army and in politics, and was actually between Izetbegović and the leader of the AB&H Chief of the General Staff, Sefer Halilović. The successful results of operation 'Trebević 2' left Izetbegović without any serious challengers to his authority.

Following the example of the discussion about the possible intervention undertaken by the Western European Union (WEU) with the aim of stopping the war in Croatia, this work strives to show the extent to which the war in Croatia influenced the development of the European relations and institutions, and vice versa. The discussion was held on two occasions, end July -- early August and second half of September 1991. The advocates of such an initiative were led by the idea of WEU military intervention which could stop the war, strengthen the European idea, and lay the foundations for a successful foreign and defensive politics of the future European Union during the phase of institution-building. Besides that, the intervention would undoubtedly have saved many lives in Croatia, and subsequently in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Reluctance and various interpretations among large European countries -- not only of the war in Croatia, but also of the European future -- resulted in passivity which played a huge role in determining the future form of European institutions during the key period before Maastricht. Adapted from the source document.

Ove se godine (2009.) slavi šezdeseta obljetnica postojanja i uspješnoga djelovanja Sjevernoatlantskoga saveza, poznatijega kao NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation). NATO je međunarodna vojno-politička organizacija koja je osnovana 4. travnja 1949. potpisivanjem Sjevernoatlantskoga ugovora (Washingtonski ugovor) između dvanaest zemalja zapadnoga bloka (Belgija, Danska, Francuska, Italija, Island, Kanada, Luxemburg, Nizozemska, Norveška, Portugal, SAD i Velika Britanija). Na stvaranje NATO-a utjecali su sljedeći čimbenici: razilaženje protuhitlerovske koalicije zbog suprotnih ciljeva, stvaranje zemalja "narodne demokracije" pod sovjetskom dominacijom, Marshallov plan gospodarske pomoći Sjedinjenih Američkih Država razrušenoj Europi koji je odbio Sovjetski Savez, Trumanova doktrina iz 1947. godine koja je označila veće angažiranje SAD-a, politika SSSR-a pod Staljinovim predsjedanjem i sve veće "prijetnje komunizma i socijalističkih zemalja". Sjevernoatlantski ugovor počiva na četrnaest članaka, a prema petomu članku "strane su suglasne da će se oružani napad na jednu ili više zemalja Saveza smatrati napadom na sve njih". Sjedište je NATO-a u Bruxellesu, službeni su jezici engleski i francuski, a aktualni glavni tajnik jest Anders Fogh Rasmmunsen. Savez funkcionira u skladu s načelima međuvladine suradnje, a odluke se donose pristankom svih zemalja članica (28 zemalja). Misija NATO-a u BiH od 1992. do 1995. godine bila je najopsežnija u povijesti Saveza. U njoj je zabilježeno i prvo oružano djelovanje ove organizacije. Danas je NATO ne samo vojna nego i politička organizacija. ; The sixtieth anniversary of existence and successful functioning of North Atlantic Treaty Organization, more famous as NATO is celebrated in this year (2009). NATO is international military-political organization established on April 4, 1949 by signing North Atlantic Treaty (Washington Treaty) between twelve countries of the Western block (Belgium, Denmark, France, Italy, Iceland, Canada, Luxemburg, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, USA and Great Britain). Following factors influenced on establishment of NATO: separation of anti-Hitler coalition because of opposing goals, development of "national democracy" countries under Soviet domination, Marshall's plan of the USA help to demolished Europe, which was rejected by the Soviet Union, Truman's doctrine from 1947 which marked greater engagement of USA, politics of U.S.S.R. under Stalin's presiding and bigger "threats of communism and socialist countries". North Atlantic Treaty is based on fourteen articles, and according to the fifth article "the parties agreed that an armed attack against one or more of the organization members shall be considered as an attack against them all". The NATO headquarters are in Brussels, official languages are English and French and Anders Fogh Rasmmunsen is the current Secretary General. The alliance functions in accordance with the principles of intergovernmental cooperation and decisions are made by common consent of all members (28 countries). NATO mission in B&H from 1992 to 1995 was the most extensive in the history of Alliance. The first military action of this organization took place during this mission. Today NATO is not only military, but also political organization.

The author analyzes the process of democratization of international relations & the future configuration of international order following the end of the era of bipolar confrontation & the establishment of cooperation in a world that has witnessed changes in the key actors' roles regarding their approach to the resolution of the post-Cold-War crises that jeopardize the world's peace & stability. First, the author provides a short outline of the genesis of the evolution of US foreign policy, from the end of WWII to the beginning of the Cold War & the formation of NATO. He points out that today's agenda of the international order, its structures, interventionism, & use of force in achieving political objectives, were already shaped at that time. The suggestions put forward constituted the framework & foundation for world politics until the late 1980s; the cumulative effect of these responses on today's attempts at solving post-Cold-War crises enables us to evaluate the roles & behavior of individual actors in the resolution of the Kosovo crisis. The maintenance of peace & stability in the post-Cold-War world in the circumstances of cooperation & partnership requires an appropriate approach & manner of resolving the crises triggered off by the collapse of communist federations. Imperial policies & regimes must be eliminated, while the processes of geopolitical consolidation & the creation of independent & sovereign states in Central & Eastern Europe (& in Euro-Asia on the whole), built around democratic & market principles, must be wrapped up. The new political leaders (mostly leftist) in the countries that for 50+ years (& now through the Kosovo crisis) have been developing the transatlantic alliance within the military-political framework of NATO (based on the same values, principles, & goals), are now developing appropriate strategies for the post-Cold-War hotspots (based on cumulative experience). 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

S obzirom da je terorizam poslednjih godina prerastao u globalnu pretnju bezbednosti i alarmantnu vrstu nasilja u savremenom svetu, utvrđivanje njegove strukture, sadržine i uzroka, jedan je od ciljeva političkih, pravnih i bezbednosnih nauka. Terorizam u osnovi predstavlja istorijsku pojavu, koja je stara koliko i sama država, mada se često posmatra kao fenomen savremenog ljudskog društva. Međutim, savremeni oblici terorizma imaju sasvim novu dimenziju koja proističe iz različitih istorijskih, društvenoekonomskih i političkih razloga, kao i iz razvoja nauke i tehnologije.Iako terorizam predstavlja pošast savremenog civilizacijskog poretka, još uvek ne postoji jedna opšteprihvaćena i univerzalna definicija terorizma, s obzirom da sam pojam terorizam nije lako definisati. Terorizam ima mnoštvo pojavnih oblika, pa ga, sem složenosti, karakteriše i promenljivost. Značenje reči terorizam menjalo se tokom istorije, kako bi se prilagodilo riziku svakog narednog perioda, stoga nije nimalo iznenađujuće što je veoma teško odrediti trajniju definiciju ovog pojma. Takođe, jedan od razloga je što politika koju vode moćne države ima dvostruke standarde, a neke od njih čak koriste terorizam kako bi izazvale sukobe i nestabilnost u određenom regionu, ali bez učešća sopstvenih vojnih snaga. --- Given that terrorism in recent years has grown into a global threat to security and alarming form of violence in the modern world, the determination of its structure, content and causes, is one of the aims of political, legal and security studies. Terrorism is essentially an historical phenomenon that is as old as the state itself, although it is often seen as a phenomenon of human society. However, the current forms of terrorism are completely new dimension arising from different historical, socio-economic and political reasons, as well as the development of science and technology.Although scourge of terrorism is a modern civilized order, there is not yet a generally accepted and universal definition of terrorism, as the notion of terrorism is not easy to define. Terrorism has many forms, and it is, except the complexity, characterized with variability of the features. The meaning of terrorism changed the course of history, in order to accommodate the risk of any subsequent period, so it is not surprising that it is very difficult to determine the lasting definition of the term. Also, one of the reasons is that the politics of the powerful states has a double standard, and some of them even use terrorism to avoid potential conflicts and instability in a particular region, but without the involvement of its own military forces.