Suchergebnisse

Zsfassung in engl. Sprache

The article analyses the plans of Germany to seize Klaipėda Region in 1938, the political circumstances of the German ultimatum issued to Lithuania on 20 March 1939, the response of the Lithuanian Government to the German demands, the organisation of the retreat of Lithuanian military units and state institutions from Klaipėda, its process, and the dynamics of German units marching into Klaipėda Region. ;In spring 1938, after the Austrian Anschluss, the situation of Eastern Europe and the German politics with regard to Klaipėda essentially changed. The tension reached its peak in 1939, when the Germans occupied Czechoslovakia and focused on the occupation of Danzig. Although the Lithuanian Government started contemplating on the possible military occupation of Klaipėda Region at the beginning of March 1939, the evacuation which took place on 21–22 March 1939 from Klaipėda Region was chaotic and non-organised. Before any official documents on the ceding of the territory had been signed, the Lithuanian Government gave the first orders to start secret military evacuation from Klaipėda Region. No clear evacuation order were received from Lithuanian governing authorities, and the export of private and state property was implemented without any organised transportation. Belated information about the ceding of Klaipėda Region to Germany impeded effective implementation of evacuation plans by Lithuanian institutions and military units. The plans worked out for the Riflemen Union failed. On 22 March 1939, Lithuanian institutions no longer controlled the situation either in the city or the region of Klaipėda.

The article analyses the plans of Germany to seize Klaipėda Region in 1938, the political circumstances of the German ultimatum issued to Lithuania on 20 March 1939, the response of the Lithuanian Government to the German demands, the organisation of the retreat of Lithuanian military units and state institutions from Klaipėda, its process, and the dynamics of German units marching into Klaipėda Region. ;In spring 1938, after the Austrian Anschluss, the situation of Eastern Europe and the German politics with regard to Klaipėda essentially changed. The tension reached its peak in 1939, when the Germans occupied Czechoslovakia and focused on the occupation of Danzig. Although the Lithuanian Government started contemplating on the possible military occupation of Klaipėda Region at the beginning of March 1939, the evacuation which took place on 21–22 March 1939 from Klaipėda Region was chaotic and non-organised. Before any official documents on the ceding of the territory had been signed, the Lithuanian Government gave the first orders to start secret military evacuation from Klaipėda Region. No clear evacuation order were received from Lithuanian governing authorities, and the export of private and state property was implemented without any organised transportation. Belated information about the ceding of Klaipėda Region to Germany impeded effective implementation of evacuation plans by Lithuanian institutions and military units. The plans worked out for the Riflemen Union failed. On 22 March 1939, Lithuanian institutions no longer controlled the situation either in the city or the region of Klaipėda.

The article, based on general methodological approaches applicable in the theories of memorial culture and places of memory and historiographical materials, provides an analysis of the interaction between the "dark heritage" and the discourses shaping the politics of history, the uses of the "dark heritage" objects and the site of the Macikai camps. The article gives an historical overview of the Macikai camps and provides an account of the current state of research of the "dark heritage", and the heritage of military and defence works in Lithuania. It examines the creation of Holocaust memorials as examples of European "dark heritage" and related controversies, and includes recommendations for the patterns of representation and content of exhibitions at the "dark heritage" Macikai site.

The article, based on general methodological approaches applicable in the theories of memorial culture and places of memory and historiographical materials, provides an analysis of the interaction between the "dark heritage" and the discourses shaping the politics of history, the uses of the "dark heritage" objects and the site of the Macikai camps. The article gives an historical overview of the Macikai camps and provides an account of the current state of research of the "dark heritage", and the heritage of military and defence works in Lithuania. It examines the creation of Holocaust memorials as examples of European "dark heritage" and related controversies, and includes recommendations for the patterns of representation and content of exhibitions at the "dark heritage" Macikai site.

The author examines how intensive Russian propaganda (both recognisable and unrecognisable) can expand any theoretical model of communication. Over the past 15 years, in the context of open military and democratic conflicts where Russia fights against Ukraine and over Ukraine, or over influence in the Middle East by bombarding Syrian cities, and where the European Union is breaking apart after the Brexit vote, informational politics has emerged as one of the most significant factors. The author claims that the National Security Concept of the Russian Federation, adopted in 2000, served as a stimulus to the current expansion of the official propaganda of Russia. The document in question has to be described as the start of Russian politics built on disinformation. The concept claims that, allegedly, Russia is threatened by the other nations' desire "to dominate on the global information space" and "push Russia out of the international and domestic information market"; the concept further claims that foreign states are supposedly developing "the concepts of information warfare that provide for measures of dangerous impact on the information areas of other nations around the world". If one wished to apply a communication model to the document in question, one would have to opt for the simplest, i.e. linear (sender – message – recipient), model as there is no data implying that anyone had interpreted the content of the document as a set of symbols of inverted meaning, or had anticipated that Russia will itself start constructing information operations to justify its propagandistic politics.

The author examines how intensive Russian propaganda (both recognisable and unrecognisable) can expand any theoretical model of communication. Over the past 15 years, in the context of open military and democratic conflicts where Russia fights against Ukraine and over Ukraine, or over influence in the Middle East by bombarding Syrian cities, and where the European Union is breaking apart after the Brexit vote, informational politics has emerged as one of the most significant factors. The author claims that the National Security Concept of the Russian Federation, adopted in 2000, served as a stimulus to the current expansion of the official propaganda of Russia. The document in question has to be described as the start of Russian politics built on disinformation. The concept claims that, allegedly, Russia is threatened by the other nations' desire "to dominate on the global information space" and "push Russia out of the international and domestic information market"; the concept further claims that foreign states are supposedly developing "the concepts of information warfare that provide for measures of dangerous impact on the information areas of other nations around the world". If one wished to apply a communication model to the document in question, one would have to opt for the simplest, i.e. linear (sender – message – recipient), model as there is no data implying that anyone had interpreted the content of the document as a set of symbols of inverted meaning, or had anticipated that Russia will itself start constructing information operations to justify its propagandistic politics.

The author examines how intensive Russian propaganda (both recognisable and unrecognisable) can expand any theoretical model of communication. Over the past 15 years, in the context of open military and democratic conflicts where Russia fights against Ukraine and over Ukraine, or over influence in the Middle East by bombarding Syrian cities, and where the European Union is breaking apart after the Brexit vote, informational politics has emerged as one of the most significant factors. The author claims that the National Security Concept of the Russian Federation, adopted in 2000, served as a stimulus to the current expansion of the official propaganda of Russia. The document in question has to be described as the start of Russian politics built on disinformation. The concept claims that, allegedly, Russia is threatened by the other nations' desire "to dominate on the global information space" and "push Russia out of the international and domestic information market"; the concept further claims that foreign states are supposedly developing "the concepts of information warfare that provide for measures of dangerous impact on the information areas of other nations around the world". If one wished to apply a communication model to the document in question, one would have to opt for the simplest, i.e. linear (sender – message – recipient), model as there is no data implying that anyone had interpreted the content of the document as a set of symbols of inverted meaning, or had anticipated that Russia will itself start constructing information operations to justify its propagandistic politics.

The author examines how intensive Russian propaganda (both recognisable and unrecognisable) can expand any theoretical model of communication. Over the past 15 years, in the context of open military and democratic conflicts where Russia fights against Ukraine and over Ukraine, or over influence in the Middle East by bombarding Syrian cities, and where the European Union is breaking apart after the Brexit vote, informational politics has emerged as one of the most significant factors. The author claims that the National Security Concept of the Russian Federation, adopted in 2000, served as a stimulus to the current expansion of the official propaganda of Russia. The document in question has to be described as the start of Russian politics built on disinformation. The concept claims that, allegedly, Russia is threatened by the other nations' desire "to dominate on the global information space" and "push Russia out of the international and domestic information market"; the concept further claims that foreign states are supposedly developing "the concepts of information warfare that provide for measures of dangerous impact on the information areas of other nations around the world". If one wished to apply a communication model to the document in question, one would have to opt for the simplest, i.e. linear (sender – message – recipient), model as there is no data implying that anyone had interpreted the content of the document as a set of symbols of inverted meaning, or had anticipated that Russia will itself start constructing information operations to justify its propagandistic politics.

The article is devoted to the analysis of realizations of euphemization in political discourse. Its focus is on news article headlines. The language data under study have been collected from the Internet news websites published in 2013–2014. The aim of the paper is twofold: to give an overview of recent cases of euphemization in news headlines, and to define functions, purpose and means of euphemization. The most frequently euphemized topics this year have been found to be war, military actions in different countries, politics and economics. The analysis of the news article headlines has showed that one of the main purposes of euphemization of social problems and political issues is to veil and cover up the real names of such phenomena as military actions, massacre, preparation for war, rising prices, unsuitable behavior of various officials, conflicts between leading politicians, bad economic conditions. The sub-topics of euphemization are concerned with the criticism of the behaviour of government leaders, leading politicians who are claimed to have violated ethics, who are arrogant, corrupt and dishonest. The semantics of euphemisms is best reflected describing them according to the means of euphemization, which are generalization, conceptual metaphorization, choice of international terms, periphrasis, pronominalization and litotes. Political euphemisms are part and parcel of the world of diplomacy, international and internal policy; politically correct language is crucial in today's mass media communication. It seeks to avoid conflict and antagonism, reduce panic and anxiety, and to disguise unpleasant news.

The article is devoted to the analysis of realizations of euphemization in political discourse. Its focus is on news article headlines. The language data under study have been collected from the Internet news websites published in 2013–2014. The aim of the paper is twofold: to give an overview of recent cases of euphemization in news headlines, and to define functions, purpose and means of euphemization. The most frequently euphemized topics this year have been found to be war, military actions in different countries, politics and economics. The analysis of the news article headlines has showed that one of the main purposes of euphemization of social problems and political issues is to veil and cover up the real names of such phenomena as military actions, massacre, preparation for war, rising prices, unsuitable behavior of various officials, conflicts between leading politicians, bad economic conditions. The sub-topics of euphemization are concerned with the criticism of the behaviour of government leaders, leading politicians who are claimed to have violated ethics, who are arrogant, corrupt and dishonest. The semantics of euphemisms is best reflected describing them according to the means of euphemization, which are generalization, conceptual metaphorization, choice of international terms, periphrasis, pronominalization and litotes. Political euphemisms are part and parcel of the world of diplomacy, international and internal policy; politically correct language is crucial in today's mass media communication. It seeks to avoid conflict and antagonism, reduce panic and anxiety, and to disguise unpleasant news.

The article is devoted to the analysis of realizations of euphemization in political discourse. Its focus is on news article headlines. The language data under study have been collected from the Internet news websites published in 2013–2014. The aim of the paper is twofold: to give an overview of recent cases of euphemization in news headlines, and to define functions, purpose and means of euphemization. The most frequently euphemized topics this year have been found to be war, military actions in different countries, politics and economics. The analysis of the news article headlines has showed that one of the main purposes of euphemization of social problems and political issues is to veil and cover up the real names of such phenomena as military actions, massacre, preparation for war, rising prices, unsuitable behavior of various officials, conflicts between leading politicians, bad economic conditions. The sub-topics of euphemization are concerned with the criticism of the behaviour of government leaders, leading politicians who are claimed to have violated ethics, who are arrogant, corrupt and dishonest. The semantics of euphemisms is best reflected describing them according to the means of euphemization, which are generalization, conceptual metaphorization, choice of international terms, periphrasis, pronominalization and litotes. Political euphemisms are part and parcel of the world of diplomacy, international and internal policy; politically correct language is crucial in today's mass media communication. It seeks to avoid conflict and antagonism, reduce panic and anxiety, and to disguise unpleasant news.

The article is devoted to the analysis of realizations of euphemization in political discourse. Its focus is on news article headlines. The language data under study have been collected from the Internet news websites published in 2013–2014. The aim of the paper is twofold: to give an overview of recent cases of euphemization in news headlines, and to define functions, purpose and means of euphemization. The most frequently euphemized topics this year have been found to be war, military actions in different countries, politics and economics. The analysis of the news article headlines has showed that one of the main purposes of euphemization of social problems and political issues is to veil and cover up the real names of such phenomena as military actions, massacre, preparation for war, rising prices, unsuitable behavior of various officials, conflicts between leading politicians, bad economic conditions. The sub-topics of euphemization are concerned with the criticism of the behaviour of government leaders, leading politicians who are claimed to have violated ethics, who are arrogant, corrupt and dishonest. The semantics of euphemisms is best reflected describing them according to the means of euphemization, which are generalization, conceptual metaphorization, choice of international terms, periphrasis, pronominalization and litotes. Political euphemisms are part and parcel of the world of diplomacy, international and internal policy; politically correct language is crucial in today's mass media communication. It seeks to avoid conflict and antagonism, reduce panic and anxiety, and to disguise unpleasant news.

After Lithuania joined European Union, emigration became a big problem in the country. Emigration is considered to be the most important non-military threat to Lithuania. It has considerable negative influence on demography, also it may have an impact for long term growth. Statistics shows that Lithuanians one of most migratory peoples in Europe. And in fact, mass emigration is nothing new in the country where waves of migrants have been leaving for centuries. Mostly common emigrants are young people. Unemployment and wage differentials between Lithuania and destination countries are the main pushing factors. Most emigrants leave Lithuania due to the lack of jobs and low salaries. Because of this, people don't feel the motivation to work in Lithuania and decide to emigrate in order to get financial independence. The qualitative research results have revealed that the foundation for successful politics is to systematically solve internal problems, while the programs for those abroad should perform a helping function only, by providing the people with a thorough information and competent help. The most important emigrants' problems should also be addressed.

After Lithuania joined European Union, emigration became a big problem in the country. Emigration is considered to be the most important non-military threat to Lithuania. It has considerable negative influence on demography, also it may have an impact for long term growth. Statistics shows that Lithuanians one of most migratory peoples in Europe. And in fact, mass emigration is nothing new in the country where waves of migrants have been leaving for centuries. Mostly common emigrants are young people. Unemployment and wage differentials between Lithuania and destination countries are the main pushing factors. Most emigrants leave Lithuania due to the lack of jobs and low salaries. Because of this, people don't feel the motivation to work in Lithuania and decide to emigrate in order to get financial independence. The qualitative research results have revealed that the foundation for successful politics is to systematically solve internal problems, while the programs for those abroad should perform a helping function only, by providing the people with a thorough information and competent help. The most important emigrants' problems should also be addressed.