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Idea państwa kozackiego na ziemiach ukrainnych w XVI- XVII wieku
In: Historia miltaris
Polsko-niemiecka współpraca wojskowa w drugiej dekadzie XXI w. ; Polish-German Military Cooperation in the 21st Century
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The article describes the process of developing the Polish-Germany military cooperation in the 21st century. It presents the bases for the bilateral military relationships between Poland and Germany and shows their development. The paper underlines the role of Germany in the Polish participation in NATO. The Author describes the common initiatives after joining the Pact, especially the participation of Bundeswehr in training and technical modernisation of the Polish armed forces. He claims that after the year 2015, the Polish-German military cooperation will be a function of Germany's pragmatics and Poland's history politics. The main problem of the Polish government will be the German willingness to constantly build NATO military bases in Poland.
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Patriotyzm wojskowy w PRL w latach 1956 - 1970
In: W Krainie PRL
In: ludzie, sprawy, problemy
Bałtycka "Zimna Wojna". Możliwe reakcje NATO i UE na rosyjską aktywność militarną na akwenie bałtyckim
Baltic Sea, as an area of strategic importance for Russia's policy toward Europe, has become a place of showcase of Russia's military might. Its primary purpose is to show the international community the level of determination Russian authorities express to make national interests of the Federation included in the global politics. The number of incidents which cannot be a ground for military action on a larger scale – even according to Russian conventions – requires a politico- military response by regional supranational organizations. The response should take the form of smart-power strategies and the formula of military involvement must go beyond purely defensive action in response to enemy action. Hence, it is necessary to determine the scope of comprehensive EU and NATO operations (due to the need to protect the territorial sovereignty of Sweden and Finland) to offset the forms of Russian incidental activities in a way that does not elevate political tension in the region. Such a reaction is possible through effective impact on forms of activities on the waters of the Baltic Sea, which are important for Russia, notably shipping. The European Union, and the European Maritime Safety Agency (EMSA) in particular, has appropriate instruments to create an effective impact. On the other hand, the role of the North Atlantic Treaty should be to prepare and conduct systematic and comprehensive operations which limit the possibility of encroaching on the treaty territory and protect the member states against Russia applying instruments of hybrid war. Key words: Baltic Sea, Russian national interests, NATO, The European Union
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Dyplomacja obronna nowym instrumentem kształtowania bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Obszary działań think tanków w zakresie dyplomacji obronnej
In: Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, Band 19, Heft 1, S. 239-260
ISSN: 2719-2911
The change in the nature and ways of using military force in international politics at the end of the 20th century led to the development of new methods of cooperation between states. The circle of entities influencing diplomatic activities, apart from political and military institutions, expanded to include also civil and non-governmental centers. This raised questions about the scale of their actual impact on shaping international security and about the areas in which they were most active. This article aims to present the activities of Polish think tanks for defense diplomacy. Assuming that they showed commitment in this respect, the areas of activities they undertook were identified and the recipients to which they were addressed were pointed out. The analysis was based on data obtained as a result of a survey conducted at the turn of 2019-2020 on a group of fifteen Polish expert think tanks2 operating in the field of international relations, political science, and security and defense. The research used a comparative method (comparative studies), content analysis and a survey method. The tool with which the study was conducted was an electronic questionnaire developed in the Survio program. For the purposes of these analyzes, a hypothesis was adopted that non-political entities in the form of think tanks play an important role in activities for security. They address their activities to political, military and social circles, but the public and scientific circles benefit to the greatest extent from their expert potential.
Czy należy sakralizować liberalny konsens w centrum? Rozważania na temat radykalnej demokracji, liberalizmu, zasadności rewolucji i koncepcji demokracji agonistycznej…
We live in a world ruled by liberal democracy. Moreover, it is becoming commonly launched that we have reached the end of politics, as we know it, and are experiencing the beginning of postpolitics. Political life is becoming deprived of its constituents in the name of the technical approach to political processes (postpolitical). Conflict as an immanent part of politics is also becoming a thing of the past, substituted with a win-win type of politics. In our postideological and postpolitical era everyone seems to accept this central consensus. Developing this thesis, the author deliberates on the resilience of a system based on an erroneous, in his opinion, presumption – the presumption of the end of politics and the beginning of the postpolitics, of which the project of deliberative democracy is a striking example. Relating to Mouffe, the author attempts to leverage the corner stone of deliberative democracy – faith in the possibility of disqualifying the essential correlate of democracy, which is inequality, or as Mouffe describes it herself "the element of indetermination". Following the theories of Mouffe, Laclau, Chomsky, or Wallerstein, the author claims that what we really need is a contestation of the status quo, which instead of a radical change of the political system or creating a new system from scratch would consist in creating a deft sewerage system of social frustrations and the ability to manage conflicts. That is exactly what the project of agonistic democracy should serve, in which a Schmittonian oposition of friend/enemy is replaced with an opposition of friend/opponent. The inability to treat political opponents as adversaries, as I substantiate with the example of the military, following Bacevich's terminology, foreign policy of the United States, leads on to the transformation of the language of politics into a language of morality and ethics. And from this point it is not far to the Manichaean visions and managing not politics but a crusade against the evil. The essay does not provide easy answers and the author is far from moralizing. His real aim is to provoke a discussion, an encouragement of critical thinking and search for truth, the truth – as Pinter put it – hidden somewhere in our life. According to the author it is critical, if democracy is to function.
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Czy należy sakralizować liberalny konsens w centrum? Rozważania na temat radykalnej demokracji, liberalizmu, zasadności rewolucji i koncepcji demokracji agonistycznej…
We live in a world ruled by liberal democracy. Moreover, it is becoming commonly launched that we have reached the end of politics, as we know it, and are experiencing the beginning of postpolitics. Political life is becoming deprived of its constituents in the name of the technical approach to political processes (postpolitical). Conflict as an immanent part of politics is also becoming a thing of the past, substituted with a win-win type of politics. In our postideological and postpolitical era everyone seems to accept this central consensus. Developing this thesis, the author deliberates on the resilience of a system based on an erroneous, in his opinion, presumption – the presumption of the end of politics and the beginning of the postpolitics, of which the project of deliberative democracy is a striking example. Relating to Mouffe, the author attempts to leverage the corner stone of deliberative democracy – faith in the possibility of disqualifying the essential correlate of democracy, which is inequality, or as Mouffe describes it herself "the element of indetermination". Following the theories of Mouffe, Laclau, Chomsky, or Wallerstein, the author claims that what we really need is a contestation of the status quo, which instead of a radical change of the political system or creating a new system from scratch would consist in creating a deft sewerage system of social frustrations and the ability to manage conflicts. That is exactly what the project of agonistic democracy should serve, in which a Schmittonian oposition of friend/enemy is replaced with an opposition of friend/opponent. The inability to treat political opponents as adversaries, as I substantiate with the example of the military, following Bacevich's terminology, foreign policy of the United States, leads on to the transformation of the language of politics into a language of morality and ethics. And from this point it is not far to the Manichaean visions and managing not politics but a crusade against the evil. The essay does not provide easy answers and the author is far from moralizing. His real aim is to provoke a discussion, an encouragement of critical thinking and search for truth, the truth – as Pinter put it – hidden somewhere in our life. According to the author it is critical, if democracy is to function.
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Doktryna neokonserwatywna jako fundament współczesnego militaryzmu i imperializmu amerykańskiego ; Neoconservative doctrine as a fundament of contemporary American militarism and imperialism
After the end of the World War II neoconservatism has become the most significant political doctrine in the United States of America. Many neoconservatists were Trotskyists in the beginning, however, lately they have become associated with the Republicans. The neoconservative ideology's main aim is to justify the imperial role of the USA. Neoconservative intellectuals believe in the values of American policy (like liberal democracy and economic freedom) and are concerned about the necessity of promoting it in the rest of the world, which is usually accompanied by distrust towards states opposing those values. They support increasing defence and military spending. Neoconservatists influenced politics of majority of American presidents elected after 1945, especially Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush. ; Fundacja Studentów i Absolwentów Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego "Bratniak"
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