Suchergebnisse

A state in the international system implicit in realism must allocate its limited resources between satisfying its intrinsically valued ends and the means of military power. I formalize this guns-versus-butter problem in a simple infinite-horizon model in which two states must continually decide how to allocate their resources and whether to attack the other state. The analysis establishes sufficient conditions to ensure the existence of an equilibrium in which neither state attacks; shows that there is a strictly Pareto-dominant pair of peaceful equilibrium payoffs; characterizes the unique, peaceful Markov perfect equilibrium that yields them; and describes the comparative statics of the equilibrium allocations. More broadly, the analysis also suggests that the notion of anarchy has little if any substantive significance distinctively related to international politics and that the problem of absolute and relative gains is superfluous.

The agenda-setting impact of international news is examined by comparing coverage of 15 categories of international news in 4 media (the New York Times, & the 3 leading TV networks) with the level of public concern with international problems, measured using data from 41 Gallup polls conducted 1975-1990. Findings indicate that the way in which international news is framed in news reports determines the magnitude of salience cues. Coverage of international conflicts or terrorism involving the US, crime & drugs, & military issues demonstrated the strongest agenda-setting influence, while coverage of international trade & politics not involving the US correlated negatively with public concern for 2 of the media. This last finding suggests that press coverage can decrease as well as increase public concern. 2 Tables, 52 References. Adapted from the source document.

THE STATES THAT HAVE FREED THEMSELVES FROM SOVIET RULE ARE NOW FACING AN ARRAY OF URGENT AND LIFE-THREATENING PROBLEMS. IF DEMOCRACY IS TO TAKE ROOT AND THRIVE IN EASTERN EUROPE AND THE FORMER USSR, THE NEW POST COMMUNIST REGIMES MUST REFORM BANKRUPT ECONOMIES, REDISTRIBUTE POLITICAL POWER, AND DEVISE A NEW SOCIAL CONTRACT THAT IS BASED ON SELF RELIANCE RATHER THAN STATE SUBSIDY AND CONTROL. MOREOVER, THEY MUST ACCOMPLISH THESE TASKS THROUGH INSTITUTIONS THAT ARE STILL UNTESTED. THE AUTHOR EXPLORES THE NEW NORMATIVE AND INSTITUTIONAL FOUNDATIONS FOR THE SEPARATION OF THE MILTARY FROM POLITICS THAT THE SUCCESSOR STATES MUST BEGIN TO LAY. SHE SUGGESTS THAT STABLE CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS WILL BE ACHIEVED WHEN THE ARMY BELIEVES THAT THE SEPARATION OF THE SOLDIER FROM THE AFFAIRS OF STATE IS RIGHT AND PROPER.

Recent advances in the biosciences and biotechnology erode confidence in the reliability of the Biological Weapons Convention (1972). During its review conferences (1980, 1986) concerns were expressed as to the military misuse of civil research. Although some improvements were achieved at these conferences, there still exist major deficiencies related to the definition of substances and activities to be controlled, to verification and to cooperation (transfer of technology). It is suggested that in light of the positive international climate an entirely new regime should be built. This endeavor might draw on experience acquired in environmental treaty making. An institution should be entrusted with adapting the scope of the regime (controlled substances and activities) to scientific progress, with monitoring compliance, and with organizing cooperation. Thus would be matched the rigidity of international law with the flexibility required by science and politics.

THE SOVIET UNION IS A GREAT POWER IN CRISIS, AND THE FEARS OF EXTERNAL DECLINE AND INTERNAL DISINTEGRATION WEIGH HEAVILY UPON THE SOVIET ELITE. IT IS THE SPECTER OF SIMULTANEOUS INTERNAL UNRAVELING AND GEOPOLITICAL ECLIPSE THAT MAKES THE SOVIET UNION SUCH A VOLATILE FACTOR IN WORLD POLITICS. THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE SOVIET UNION'S PRECARIOUS POSITION AND DEFENDS WASHINGTON'S POLICY OF RESTRAINT AND ITS REFUSAL TO EXPLOIT THE SOVIET UNION'S TROUBLES. TWO PRIMARY REASONS JUSTIFY THE U.S. POSITION: THE DEATH OF A NUCLEAR SOVIET EMPIRE COULD DRAW AMERICAN TROOPS AND NUCLEAR WEAPONS--STILL POSITION IN EUROPE--INTO A MAELSTROM OF SPREADING CONFLICT; AND THE FACT THAT A STABLE SOVIET UNION IS CRUCIAL NOT ONLY TO REMOVING THE SOVIET MILITARY PRESENCE FROM EAST CENTRAL EUROPE, BUT ALSO TO CONSTRUCTING A VIABLE POST-COLD WAR EUROPEAN SECURITY SYSTEM.

LATE IN 1989, WHILE SOCIALIST GOVERNMENTS THROUGHOUT EASTERN EUROPE CRUMBLED UNDER THE WEIGHT OF FAILING STATE-RUN ECONOMIES, THE VOTERS OF CHILE DECISIVELY DEFEATED THE OFFICAL PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE OF THE COUNTRY'S 16-YEAR-OLD MILITARY REGIME. GENERAL AUGUSTO PINOCHET, WAS THE LEADER WHO HAD PRESIDED OVER ONE OF THE BOLDEST AND MOST SUCCESSFUL EXPERIMENTS IN FREE MARKET ECONOMIES ANYWHERE IN THE THIRD WORLD. THERE ARE NUMEROUS REASONS TO BE OPTIMISTIC THAT CHILE WILL CARRY OUT THIS SUCCESSFUL DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION. THE FAVORABLE ECONOMIC OUTLOOK GIVES THE GOVERNMENT A STRONG BASE ON WHICH TO PROMOTE GROWTH WHILE SEEKING TO SATISFY PENT-UP DEMANDS. THE GROWING SENSE OF POLITICAL MATURITY AND GENUINE RESPECT FOR THE VALUES OF DEMOCRATIC POLITICS, A CLEAR LEGACY OF THE STRUGGLE AGAINST DICTATORSHIP, MAKES IT LIKELY THAT CHILE'S POLITICAL PARTIES WILL AVOID THE BITTER IDEOLOGICAL POLARIZATIONS OF THE PAST.

Mike Mansfield discusses his childhood and his experience growing up in Great Falls, Montana. He talks about serving in the U.S. military, starting in 1917 when he was 14. Mansfield discusses working in the copper mines at Butte, Montana, and meeting his wife Maureen Hayes Mansfield who encouraged him to go to school and get into politics. He discusses his 34-year career as a member of both the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate, and his ambassadorship to Japan beginning under President Jimmy Carter. He talks about his relationship with Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, Ford, Carter, Nixon, and Reagan, and he remembers the eulogy he gave at President Kennedy's funeral. Mansfield offers his opinion on the Vietnam War, gives his outlook on world affairs, and describes the challenges that future generations will face. ; https://scholarworks.umt.edu/mansfieldsamerica_oralhistory/1000/thumbnail.jpg

The frequent comparison between Israel & South Africa has degenerated into a weapon in the ideological warfare that has existed since a UN resolution equated Zionism with racism. Focus on the close economic & military collaboration between the two popular outcasts has further obscured structural differences. These differences are explored here, particularly in the neglected area of resistance politics & developments in the subordinate population. Dissecting the strategies of the Palestine Liberation Organization & the African National Congress, & speculating about the options & outcomes of ethnic conflicts in two deeply divided societies, tests the limits of comparative analysis. Theoretical insights from the ethnic relations literature are applied to two cases representing the greatest moral & political challenges of conflict regulation in the contemporary world. The Israeli situation is used as a backdrop to highlight South African developments. Modified AA

THIS PAPER DESCRIBES WHAT THE AUTHOR CALLS THE NEO-COLONIAL STRATEGY OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN GOVERNMENT IN SETTING UP AN ANTI-SWAPO ALLIANCE. THE MAJOR OBJECTIVE OF THIS STRATEGY IS TO TURN THE COLONIAL STRUGGLE INTO A CIVIL WAR BY MOVING AWAY FROM ETHNIC TO CLASS POLITICS. THE AUTHOR'S AIM IS TO ANALYZE THE DYNAMIC EFFECTS EMANATING FROM THIS STRATEGY, I.E., THE BALANCE OF FORCES THAT ARE AT PLAY. THE PAPER DISCUSSES THE ROOTS OF THE CONFLICT IN NAMIBIA AND EXAMINES 1) THE POLITICAL CONDITIONS GIVING RISE TO THE NEO-COLONIAL STRATEGY; 2) THE POLITICAL CRISIS WITHIN THE COLLABORATIVE TRANSITIONAL GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL UNITY; 3) MEASURES TAKEN TO EFFECT A NEO-COLONIAL SOLUTION; AND 4) NEW FORMS OF POPULAR RESISTANCE AGAINST COLLABORATIVE STRUCTURES AT THE POLITICAL, INDUSTRIAL, MILITARY, AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC LEVELS.

Theshrinking political arena in Africa,1caused by the authoritarian practices of presidential monarchs, has more often than not undermined the process of legitimation, as those who have not 'fallen into things' resort to unconstitutional means to gain access to political and economic kingdoms. Hitherto, political competition has become a raw power struggle, partly as a result of the absence of stable institutions for channelling and ordering politics,2and partly because political leadership is so divided that it has failed to give form to statecraft. The failure of the first generation of African politicians has consequently encouraged the military to intervene and to sack them. But the African army has also experienced divisions and factions. Its record has not been impressive. Thus, in most African countries, the political situation has deteriorated progressively to praetorianism.3

A Head-on collision between two national movements; a clash between Western and Oriental cultures; disputes over territories, borders, maritime rights, property and refugees; intense mutual suspicion engendered by a long and tortuous history of strife; highly distorted images of the adversary; a chronically unstable pattern of regional politics; the intrusion of Great Power rivalry and a spiralling arms race: these are only some of the ingredients which account for the complexity and uniqueness of the Arab-Israeli conflict and make the Middle East the most volatile and explosive sub-system of the international political system. Here, in Michael Howard's phrase, is a "hell-brew to end all hell-brews". The problem is a political scientist's paradise; a statesman's nightmare; and, for the military specialist, a matter for grisly, but absorbing concern.