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From the class meeting in Bruck in 1578 to Berlin Congress in 1878, i. e. from the very beginning till the end of its fundamental function, Military Border goes through various and very complex processes. Its problems in the 1850-ies are the topic of this paper. In spite of clear demands of political circles in Zagreb concerning the Military Border, the Monarchy in Vienna tries to protect it as a distinctly military institution that will not act against Hungary only but against national integration on the Balkan and Apenine Peninsula too. After the revolution in 1848/49 military and court circles in the Austrian monarchy invest special labours to turn the Military Border into a corpus separatum where military tradition will be further cherished, with corporal strictness, waiting for the development of events on the East, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. With the presence of Vienna and Budapest, especially after 1849, solving of the Military Border question is affected strongly by the impulse coming just from Zagreb. Trying to gather around itself the separated Croatian territories as soon as possible, Zagreb supported in the Military Border question up to Austro-Hungarian agreement in 1867 the opinion about the need of administrative integration of military and civil territories of Croatia. But, because the administrative integration does not put in the first plan demilitarization of Military Border, there appear due to such political conception in Zagreb some fundamental prerequisites for the collaboration between military and royal circles in Vienna and Croatian politicians. However, this collaboration left no deeper traces in the Croatian politics. The last ''Basic Law of Military Border", accepted in 1850, rejects all the projects of political representation of Croatia about the future of Military Border. The project has been saved as Jelačić's "Military Border Foundation" from 1849. In spite of expectations of Croatian politicians the last "Military Border Foundation" from 1850 tries to contribute to stabilization of Military Border mechanism and to its preserving. This new Military Border's constitution, contrary to demands of Croatian representatives formulated in the "Military Border Foundation" in 1849, declares the whole Military Border to be a part of the imperial army. Although the basic intention of that Law was to subordinate social relationships in Military Border to its main task, i. e. to supply the Monarchy permanently with cheap army, still it did not succeed to stop the process of social differentiation and destruction of outlived forms of traditional Military Border society, In this paper are analyzed first of all those social phenomena in Military Border which point to the movement of the social structure and the crisis of traditional military-rural society. Besides problems of disharmony between legal superstructure and social reality there are analyzed the efforts of Croatian business circles to hold back - by means of concentrating merchants and craftsmen in Croatia under the ban and in Military Border - the Austrian capital existing for centuries in Military Border, that important part of Croatian territories.

INFRAREDESIGN se bazira na ideji spajanja grafika bojanjem sa dvije skupine bojila jednakog tona boje: V bojila i Z bojila. Uvodi se pojam blizanaca: jednake boje u vizualnom spektru u sustavu doživljaja RGB-a (crvena, zelena, plava). Blizanci bojila različito apsorbiraju infracrvenu valnu duljinu svjetlosti. Kreiraju se bojila blizanaca koja se razlikuju tek po vrijednosti apsorpcije u bliskom infracrvenom dijelu spektra, odnosno NIR svjetla na 1000 nm. Simulacijom boja iz prirode na kamuflažnu vojnu odjeću postignut je cilj: uklapanje vojnika u prirodnu osnovu koja ga okružuje u dva spektralna područja, vidljivom i infracrvenom. Infracrveno Z bojilo nosi skrivenu informaciju koja se otkriva u programiranim uvjetima. Postupak INFRAREDESIGN tehnologije omogućuje vojniku da prikriveno djeluje na bojnom polju i neopaženo izvrši zadanu misiju. IRD Informacija je nevidljiva, zaštićena od naših očiju. Z - IR kamera ima dvostruku zadaću: otkriti i pročitati informaciju. ; INFRAREDESIGN is based on the idea of merging graphics of two colour groups with the same color tone; the dyes V (visual) and dyes Z (near infrared). The concept of twins is introduced through the same color in the visual spectrum in the system of filling the RGB color (red, green, blue). The twin dyes absorb a wavelength of infrared light differently. The twin dyes differ only by the value of the absorption of the NIR light at 1000nm. By simulating nature colors to camouflage military clothes, the goal is successfully reached; the integration of soldiers into a natural environment, which is surrounded by two spectral regions: visual and infrared. The infrared dye carries hidden information that is revealed under planned conditions. The procedure of INFRAREDESIGN technology allows a soldier to covert acts on the battlefield and perform a given mission undetected. The IRD Information is invisible to the naked eye. The Z - IR camera has a double purpose: to discover a hidden picture and make it possible to read the information.

Ovaj se rad bavi stvarnim mogućnostima koje stoje na raspolaganju Bosni i Hercegovini u ostvarenju strateškoga cilja koje je sebi zadalo bosanskohercegovačko društvo, a to je članstvo u Europskoj uniji. Kako svaka država u vanjskim odnosima može računati na tri vrste moći (vojna, ekonomska i meka moć), ovdje se pošlo od pretpostavke da ta država nema značajne vojne i ekonomske potencijale, ali i to kako se među tri izvora meke moći (vanjska politika, unutarnje političke vrijednosti i kultura) Bosna i Hercegovina za sada može uspješno koristiti samo kulturom. Stoga se, u usporedbi s dosegnutom razinom uspješnosti primjene kulture u vanjskim odnosima EU-a, došlo do zaključka da je kreiranje i primjena jedinstvene kulturno-diplomatske strategije Bosne i Hercegovine poželjan način pozitivnoga pozicioniranja te države na političkoj i društvenoj karti Europe. ; This paper deals with realistic opportunities available to Bosnia and Herzegovina in achieving the strategic goal set by Bosnian-Herzegovinian society, which is membership in the European Union. Since every country in its external relations can count on three types of power (military, economic, and soft power), we have assumed that the country in question has no significant military and economic potentials, but, also—among the three soft power sources (foreign policy, internal political values and culture)—Bosnia and Herzegovina can successfully use only culture for the time being. Therefore, the intention of this paper is to show that the creation and implementation of a unified cultural-diplomatic strategy is a desirable way of positive positioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the political and social map of Europe.

Rad problematizira vanjsko-političku situaciju Republike Srbije koja se nalazi između članstva u euroatlantskim integracijama, odnosno koja je vojno neutralna država okruženama članicama Organizacije Sjeveroatlantskog ugovora. Nadalje, u radu se, primjenom istraživačke metode analize sadržaja, analiziraju članci objavljeni na portalima ''Politika Online'' i ''Danas''. Članci uzeti u obzir odabrani su unutar dvomjesečnog roka (svibanj i lipanj 2016. godine). Cilj analize sadržaja jest utvrđivanje usmjerenja medija spram spomenute teme i vanjsko-političke situacije Srbije, kao utvrđivanje općih novinarskih standarda prilikom prenošenja takvih vijesti (poput argumentiranosti, uravnoteženosti i objektivnosti). Članci su razvrstani prema pripadnosti u rubrici, a zatim kronološki. Suvremena dilema Srbije, koja se nalazi i između članstva u Europskoj Uniji, i sa visokim intenzitetom suradnje sa NATO savezom (članica programa Partnerstvo za mir) neobično je važna za sigurnosni aspekt čitavog prostora Jugoistočne Europe. ; This paper reviews the situation of foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia, which is located between membership in Euro-Atlantic integration, and it's military neutrality while surrounded by members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Furthermore, through the application of research methods of content analysis articles analysed were published on the portals '' Politika Online '' and '' Danas ''. Articles were selected within the two-month period (during the months of May and June 2016). The goal of the content analysis is to determine the orientation of the media towards these themes and situation of foreign policy of Serbia, as well as identification of the general journalistic standards when transmitting such news (such as objectivity and balance). Articles are sorted by belonging to thecertain section, and then chronologically. This modern dilemma of Serbia, which is also a member of the European Union, with the high intensity of cooperation with NATO (member of the Partnership for Peace) ...

The author looks into the political-territorial division & the size of Croatia & Slovenia, prior & during the incorporation of the Military Border into Civilian Croatia. Arguing that historiography has not come up with an objective view of this event, the author challenges the prevailing thesis that the size of the Military Border was significantly smaller than that of Civilian Croatia & claims that, on the contrary, the Military Border made up 54.37% of the state territory, & Civilian Croatia only 45.63%. The process of unification was a gradual one, extended over a 15-year period, due to the territorial expansion & the political restructuring after the integration of the Military Border region into Civilian Croatia. Finally, the author talks about the emergence of a uniform political/legal structure, which integrated the former districts into Croatian counties, the structure that lasted until 1918. 9 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

International pressure prevented Croatia from ending the occupation of eastern Slavonia by military means. The author claims that the policy of peaceful integration & the UNTAES mandate are rife with risks that might jeopardize eventual Croatian control of that region. He points out a set of contentious issues related to the occupied territory: incomplete demilitarization, dual government (parallel UNTAES & Serbian authorities), no return for non-Serbian refugees, staying-in-place of Serbs from other parts of Croatia, Bosnia, & Serbia. Particularly risky for Croatia are the efforts of local Serbs to retain absolute ethnic majority as the grounds for establishing territorial autonomy, which would enable the militant acolytes of Greater Serbian politics to remain in the region & push for secession & annexation by Serbia -- efforts that would in all probability be given military support by Serbia, this time under circumstances that would be much more unfavorable for Croatia than in 1995. The author concludes that for Croatia, the only acceptable solution is the total integration of eastern Slavonia & the establishment of full Croatian sovereignty; the creation of a Serbian autonomous province in that region must on no account be permitted. Adapted from the source document.

The Republic of Slovenia, having obtained independence & sovereignty in the June-July war of 1991, launched an intensive build-up of its system of national security. As guidelines, it used the experiences of other states, its own historical experience, & the attitudes of the public & political parties. The analysis of Slovenian national security shows that the threats to it come in the forms of military threats, internal threats, & the threat to the living space. This was the reason that the system of national security was outlined as including the defense system, the security system, & the system of protection & preservation. Though encountering momentous problems in the build-up of the system of national security (particularly its military aspect), Slovenia made major shifts to embrace NATO standards. However, its efforts were not enough, & Slovenia was not among the countries admitted to this organization in the first wave -- Poland, the Czech Republic, & Hungary. 5 Tables, 1 Diagram, 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

The process of European integrations, with growing political, economic, & security interdependence of member states is designed in such a way that, among other things, it can eventually result in developing a collective approach to defense, whose features would be a far cry from any other form of traditional alliances. The signatories of the Maastricht Agreement vowed to shape a common defense policy that would in time lead to the common defense. The common defense policy, whose structure would be built on the basis of the models & trends of the defense policies of the leading West European countries, should evolve as an integral part of EU's common foreign & security policy. It should address all the aspects of the use of military power, & it will require an analysis of a broad spectrum of possible scenarios that may pose a threat to EU's security. EU countries have demonstrated certain shortcomings in their military capacities, eg, transport equipment & other capacities for deployment. Although in the economic field they have achieved consensus on numerous issues, it is obvious that defense issues such as nuclear weapons, professionalization of the military, & the policies of defense industry are still a major bone of contention for EU members. Though EU, WEU, & NATO represent only a segment of the European security architecture, they will most probably serve as the key institutional framework for the development of a common defense policy & common defense. Further expansion of this triangular institutional framework is going to be interdependent, mutually supportive, & parallel. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author thinks that the American political & military initiative in Bosnia & Herzegovina has stopped the four-year war & enhanced American influence in the region. The European Union has reacted to the latest developments by adopting a new regional approach toward the countries of Southeastern Europe. This approach has been employed in relation to other European & Mediterranean regions outside the EU as well (Central & Eastern Europe, the Baltic states, the Mediterranean countries, & the Union of Independent States). The EU's policy toward Croatia is extremely reserved. It has insisted on a set of preconditions being fulfilled by Croatia before the negotiations about Croatia's membership in this organization may even commence. Croatia wants to forge links with the EU & is willing to comply with its demands, but is highly skeptical of regional associations. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the process of the NATO expansion in Europe following the collapse of the Berlin Wall & the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact. Paradoxically, after the end of the Cold War, the security conditions in Europe have not improved. On the contrary, the danger of military conflicts has increased. That is why most former communist countries, including the newly created states that emerged after the disintegration of Yugoslavia & the Soviet Union, have been trying to eliminate this danger & strengthen their security by joining NATO. The Russian Federation is the main opponent of the NATO expansion in Eastern Europe, particularly into the states that came into being after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The author describes in detail the geostrategical & geopolitical implications of the admittance of the first group of Eastern European countries into NATO (Poland, the Czech Republic, & Romania), as well as the prospects of the NATO expansion into the other countries in the region. He sees the American initiative for cooperation in Southeastern Europe as a complement to the process of NATO expansion. In the end he criticizes NATO's process of selection of new members, the process that has left Croatia (for the time being) in a sort of a geostrategical void. 5 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se analizira nastanak i razvoj Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike EU i uloga ključnih zemalja (osovine Berlin-Pariz-London) u tom procesu. Cilj rada je detektirati unutarnje i vanjske prepreke i izazove na putu integracije ove politike s posebnim fokusom na Brexit i "nove" transatlantske odnose. U tom smislu nastoje se istražiti moguće refleksije izlaska Ujedinjenog kraljevstva Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske kao vojno najsnažnije europske zemlje iz Europske unije na budući razvoj i integraciju Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike EU i "novo" transatlantsko partnerstvo koje je počelo izborom Donalda Trumpa za predsjednika Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Autori smatraju da je zbog ova dva izazova buduća integracija Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike u limbu i da će francusko-njemačko partnerstvo i odnosi sa zemljama "nove Europe" biti od presudnog značaja u novom strateškom pozicioniranju ove politike i eliminiranju negativnih implikacija prethodno spomenutih izazova. ; This article analyses emergence and development of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union and the role of key countries (Berlin-Paris-London axis) in that process. The aim of the paper is to detect the internal and external obstacles and challenges to the integration of this policy with specific focus on the Brexit and "new" transatlantic relations. In this regard, the authors aim to explore how withdrawal of the United Kingdom of the Great Britain and Northern Ireland, as Europe`s strongest military country, from the European Union will reflect on the future development and integration of the Common Security and Defence Policy of European Union and "new" transatlantic partnership that had begun by Donald Trump`s election for the president of the United States of America. Authors hold that these two challenges set the future integration of the Common Security and Defence Policy into the limbo and further consider that French-German partnership and relationships with the countries of the "New Europe" will be crucial to the new strategic positioning of this policy and in eliminating negative implications of the aforementioned challenges.

NATO's enlargement in the Western Balkans (WB) has been the focus of a number of debates for almost two decades. Opinions and positions regarding this question range from serious doubts, criticisms and opportunistic press releases to enthusiastic support for membership. This paper assesses Bosnian reforms and policy changes, as well as the country's efforts to join NATO. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has made significant steps in moving towards NATO's military and political standards, but not sufficiently. Although BiH is viewed by some observers as a country approaching the point of joining the Membership Action Plan (MAP), this prospect remains uncertain. The findings of this research suggest that BiH is different from other WB countries and that it is not suitable for understanding the NATO integration challenges in the WB. In order to understand Bosnian 'specifics', it is necessary not only to view the challenges through the prism of technical and other domestic issues in BiH. A wider approach must be adopted. Through understanding the Bosnian specifics, the dilemmas related to the NATO membership of BiH become more obvious and clear. Bosnian specifics illustrate why BiH is not able to take significant steps towards long-term stabilization and NATO membership. ; NATO's enlargement in the Western Balkans (WB) has been the focus of a number of debates for almost two decades. Opinions and positions regarding this question range from serious doubts, criticisms and opportunistic press releases to enthusiastic support for membership. This paper assesses Bosnian reforms and policy changes, as well as the country's efforts to join NATO. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has made significant steps in moving towards NATO's military and political standards, but not sufficiently. Although BiH is viewed by some observers as a country approaching the point of joining the Membership Action Plan (MAP), this prospect remains uncertain. The findings of this research suggest that BiH is different from other WB countries and that it is not suitable for understanding the NATO integration challenges in the WB. In order to understand Bosnian 'specifics', it is necessary not only to view the challenges through the prism of technical and other domestic issues in BiH. A wider approach must be adopted. Through understanding the Bosnian specifics, the dilemmas related to the NATO membership of BiH become more obvious and clear. Bosnian specifics illustrate why BiH is not able to take significant steps towards long-term stabilization and NATO membership.

Osnutak Sbora liečnika kr. Hrvatske i Slavonije sa sjedištem u Zagrebu i Družtva slavonskih liečnika sa sjedištem u Osijeku 874. godine rezultat je složenih društveno - političkih procesa, ali i zamaha na razini hrvatske kulturne integracije. Oblikovanje strukovnoga identiteta podrazumijevalo je sazrijevanje liječnika u kontekstu društvene uloge bez obzira na njihovu regionalnu raspoređenost. Osijek u to vrijeme jača, ne samo kao kao civilno i vojno središte već i kao zdravstveni centar Slavonije. Borba za oživotvorenje samostalnoga strukovnoga udruženja pozicionirala gaje stoga kao ravnopravnoga partnera Zagrebu i kao sredinu sa snažnim potencijalom borbe za reformu zdravstva uvjetovanu angažiranom ulogom liječničke profesije. ; Establishing of Sbor liečnika kr. Hrvatske i Slavonije (The Medical Association of the Kingdom of Croatia and Slavonia) with headquarters in Zagreb and Družtvo slavonskih liečnika (Slavonian Medical Association) with headquarters in Osijek in 1874 was a result of complex social and political processes, but also efforts taken for Croatian cultural integration. Forming a professional identity included maturing of medical doctors in the context of their social role, regardless of their regional position. Osijek was becoming stronger at the time, not only as a civil and military centre, but also as a health centre of Slavonia. With efforts for establishing an independent professional association, Osijek became an equal partner to Zagreb and a place with a strong potential for fighting for a health reform, which mostly depended on doctors' efforts.