Suchergebnisse

Following the example of the discussion about the possible intervention undertaken by the Western European Union (WEU) with the aim of stopping the war in Croatia, this work strives to show the extent to which the war in Croatia influenced the development of the European relations and institutions, and vice versa. The discussion was held on two occasions, end July -- early August and second half of September 1991. The advocates of such an initiative were led by the idea of WEU military intervention which could stop the war, strengthen the European idea, and lay the foundations for a successful foreign and defensive politics of the future European Union during the phase of institution-building. Besides that, the intervention would undoubtedly have saved many lives in Croatia, and subsequently in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Reluctance and various interpretations among large European countries -- not only of the war in Croatia, but also of the European future -- resulted in passivity which played a huge role in determining the future form of European institutions during the key period before Maastricht. Adapted from the source document.

The original NATO strategy regarding Yugoslavia has, despite its military triumphs, proved deficient for achieving the planned political objectives. That is why the existing alliance strategy has been abandoned & replaced by a new one. This change of direction is under way; the success of NATO's entire military action hinges on its success, as do the relations on the Balkans & the future of NATO's new strategic concept designed in late Apr at the Washington summit. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the genesis & the scenarios of the Kosovo crisis resolution, as well as the possible political reverberations of the NATO military intervention. The premise is that the Kosovo crisis is only a continuation of the break-up of the former Yugoslavia; Kosovo has for centuries been a separate entity largely populated by Albanians; the policy of Serbian nationalism has permanently discriminated against the Albanian population; & prior to the recent air strikes against Yugoslavia, Serbia had systematically led an ethnic-cleansing campaign on Kosovo. Although the author recognizes that support for the NATO military action can hardly be found in the tenets of the UN Charter, he argues that it can nevertheless be justified by international law. He points out that NATO's military campaign enjoyed the broad support of the people of NATO member countries, but that it has made a rift in the European Left. The new Left was in the forefront of the action, while the old, dogmatic, & sectarian Left found itself in the ranks of its most vocal opponents. The author claims that Milosevic, with his overall politics, & particularly his policy on Kosovo, had propelled the West into an action from which it could not extricate itself. He concludes that the consequences of Belgrade's defeat will be (1) the collapse of Milosevic's regime (the beginning of his end); (2) the final incapacitation of Milosevic's politics to create new conflicts; (3) the protectorate over Kosovo & its autonomy, with a factual independence from Serbia; (4) the independence of Montenegro; (5) Reinforcing the Dayton policy in Bosnia & Herzegovina (eliminating centrifugal tendencies); (6) the organized participation of the West in the transitional processes in this region (the pact on the stability of southeast Europe); & (7) bolstering the democratic & weakening the undemocratic tendencies in the region. Adapted from the source document.

Mirne pobune protiv sirijskog predsjednika koje su započele 2011. s vremenom su prerasle u oružani sukob, a zatim i u građanski rat koji do dana današnjeg ne jenjava. Vrlo brzo je privukao i brojne regionalne, ali i međunarodne aktere. Iako se na početku činilo kako će sirijski predsjednik vrlo brzo morati napustiti svoju funkciju, to se nije dogodilo. Zahvaljujući ruskoj vojnoj intervenciji 2015. vratio je kontrolu nad većinom sirijskog teritorija te na taj način osigurao svoju daljnju vlast. Cilj ovoga rada jest prikazati rusku intervenciju u Sirijskom građanskom ratu kao dio nove ruske vanjske politike, odnosno novoga ruskog intervencionizma. Politika koja je započeta intervencijom u Gruziji, a zatim nastavljena u Ukrajini činom aneksije Krima, svoj nastavak dobiva upravo na teritoriju Sirije. Kako ćemo vidjeti kroz rad upravo se ova politika pokazala ključnom za vraćanje Rusiji statusa globalne sile. ; Peaceful uprisings against the Syrian president that began in 2011., over the time escalated into an armed conflict, and then into a civil war that has not abated to this day. It quickly attracted numerous regional and international actors. Although at first it seemed that the Syrian president would have to leave his funcion very soon, this did not happen. Thanks to Russian military intervention in 2015, he regained majority control over Syrian territory and thus secured his further rule. The aim of this paper was to present Russian intervention in the Syrian civil war as a part of a new Russian foreign policy, the policy of interventionism. The policy, which began with the intervention in Georgia, and then continued in Ukraine and the act of annexation of Crimea, gets its continuation on the territory of Syria. As we will see further, it is precisely this policy that has proved crucial for restoring Russia's global power status.

After WWI, at the Versailles Peace Conference, the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, & Slovenes had to win its international recognition & define its borders. Since it had not belonged to the camp of the Entente forces, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, & Slovenes had no representatives in the Territorial Commission, which submitted its proposals to the Big Four. This situation was exploited by Italy, which would always come up with the least favorable version of the Kingdom's borders. Italy's proposal regarding Austria's border with the Kingdom was that the entire Celovec valley be ceded to Austria. However, the French, British, & American experts for territorial issues demurred. After protracted & tense wrangling, it was decided that the Celovec valley be divided into two plebiscitary zones. A plebiscite in Carinthia was not in the interest of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, & Slovenes & its delegation tried to modify this decision, but to no avail. The Belgrade government's military intervention in Carinthia was an attempt to create a fait accompli, but it proved counterproductive, as the occupation only deepened the local population's hostility toward the Yugoslav state & affected the result of the plebiscite: the majority Slovenian population in Zone A opted for Austria, a great setback for the Yugoslav side. Adapted from the source document.

The Serbo-Albanian conflict in Kosovo has had direct repercussions for Balkan security over the last 150 years. The international community would occasionally pay more attention to this conflict, but never long enough to resolve it for good. Both the Serbian & the Albanian side put in a lot of effort toward the resolution of the conflict & came up with several proposals, ranging from various modes of Kosovo autonomy to the idea of the cantonization & refederalization of SR Yugoslavia, to the independence of Kosovo, or to its being turned into a protectorate. All these suggestions had mostly been one-sided, either pro-Serbian or pro-Albanian, none of them conducive to a compromise. All this eventually resulted in a military conflict & the attempt to impose solutions by force. Nevertheless, after the NATO intervention, negotiations will have to be resumed, & the familiar proposals for the resolution of the Kosovo question will have to be rehashed, only this time the situation will require much more good will & willingness to make compromises, on both the Albanian & Serbian sides, as well as considerable support by international community. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the latest dimensions of security in the territory of the former Yugoslavia stemming from the Dayton & Paris accords. His starting point is the geographical criterion that produces five trouble spots that could jeopardize the process of security building. He concludes that only a determined application of political, diplomatic, & economic pressures, as well as military presence, may bring about a new dimension of security in southeastern Europe. He then reviews analyses of the disintegration of Yugoslavia & the creation of new states in this part of Europe, as well as of the concepts & schemes for a certain degree of linkage, the most prominent being the American initiative for cooperation in Southeast Europe. It is obvious that this region will go on being viewed through different lenses & that the interests of the observers, more than those of the peoples living in this part of Europe, will gain precedence. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyses international response to the Croatian military operation Maslenica in January 1993. Based on media comments and reactions of key international mediators in the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly the United Nations, France and Chairman of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, it seeks to answer the question of what the reaction was, how in reality it was in accordance with the proclaimed policies and how it fit into the overall international policy towards the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper is based on the documents of the United Nations, the analysis of several newspapers and reports of the Croatian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It situates behaviour of the main participants within the context of 'carrots and sticks' strategy. The Maslenica operation had shown that international community would not prevent military interventions against the self-declared Republic of Srpska Krajina by Croatian forces. It thus announced what subsequently happened in 1995 with the decisive Operation Storm. Adapted from the source document.

NATO's military action in Yugoslavia is a pivotal event that is going to leave an indelible impact on the future direction of international relations. The author first analyzes the underlying causes of the campaign, among which were the international community's resolve to finally punish Milosevic, be instrumental in eliminating his regime, drive out Russian interests from the Balkans, & espouse a positive stance toward Muslim countries, as well as the internal political American reason: the desire to strengthen President Clinton's position. This action has also had a manifold significance for the new world order, since it poses the questions of the world order's content, nature, leadership, & norms in a new light. In the process of establishing the new post-Cold-War relations, various tendencies that will pave the way to the new millennium will clash. On the one hand, there will be the exclusive approach based on force & interests, & on the other, the desire to establish the relations in which human rights will be the fundamental criterion for assessing the suitability of a country for a full membership in the newly unified international community. Adapted from the source document.

In searching for various opportunities to act in pursuing its foreign policy & endeavors to achieve a dominant role in the global processes USA has developed a broad range of instruments including a financial assistance as a way to be given support for its positions, intelligence activities, its public diplomacy, unilateral implementation of sanctions & even military interventions. The paper devotes special attention to one of these instruments -- sanctions, which USA implemented in the last decade of the 20th century more than ever before. The author explores the forms & mechanisms for implementation of sanctions, the impact & effects they produce on the countries they are directed against, but also on the third parties or the countries that have been involved in the process by concurrence of events, & finally on USA as the very initiator of imposing them. References. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands. ; This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands.

Reporters' work from a country at war is eventually subjected to censorship. That the job of war correspondents is dangerous has been proved by the number of journalists who are killed every year & by certain "rules of wartime journalism." The article looks into some forms of wartime censorship in the earlier NATO military actions, describes the censorship during the aggression on the Republic of Croatia, &, on the basis of the available information, addresses the relevant situation in SR Yugoslavia. When this article was written (May 1999), NATO's military intervention in that country was still going on; consequently, newspaper censorship was still very much in force there. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.