Suchergebnisse

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Arabska Wiosna przybrała w Libii formę wojny domowej, w następstwie której doszło do zewnętrznej interwencji zbrojnej i obalenia reżimu Muammara Kaddafiego. Bez mała siedem lat od wybuchu wojny państwo nadal pogrążone jest w chaosie. Brak zgody co do kształtu ustrojowego i przywództwa państwa konserwuje status quo i sprawia, że wyjście z impasu jest coraz trudniejsze. W artykule podjęto próbę analizy sytuacji politycznej Libii oraz czynników determinujących impas polityczny, którymi są – zdaniem autorki – przede wszystkim: współistnienie kilku ośrodków władzy, konflikty etniczne, aktywność ugrupowań zbrojnych (milicji), tworzonych zarówno przez wojskowych, jak i islamistów, a także słabość i brak jedności aktorów zewnętrznych, w tym ONZ, w wypracowywaniu kompromisu dotyczącego Libii. ; The Arab Spring in Libya took the form of a civil war, which led to the external military intervention and overthrowing the Muammar Qaddafi regime. Nearly seven years since the war broke out, the country has still remained in chaos. A lack of consensus regarding the form of political system and leadership in the country maintains the status quo and makes the current deadlock increasingly difficult to be broken. The article seeks to analyse the political landscape in Libya as well as the factors affecting the political impasse in the country, which, in the opinion of the author, comprised primarily of the coexistence of several power centres, ethnic conflicts, the activity of armed groups (militias) created both by military members and Islamists, and the weakness as well as the lack of unity in making a compromise on Libya among external actors, including the UN.

The Russian intervention in Syria has been the first act of a considerable scale since 1991 of a direct involvement of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation in a military conflict on a territory not included in the former Soviet Union. At the same time, it became the first operation in the history of the Russian Federation (and formerly the USSR) in which a leading role – both in the composition of the military contingent addressed there, as well as in relation to the results of actions – played the air force. This publication focuses on the genesis and the
different phases of the engagement of combat aircraft of the mentioned type of armed forces in the initial stage of Russian intervention, as well as an attempt to assess the reasons for the exceptional effectiveness of the operation on the course of the entire war.

In February 2011, inspired by the events in Tunisia and Egypt, Libyans started the revolt, which resulted in the overthrow of the regime of Colonel Muammar Qaddafi. The revolt lasted eight months and was supported by the international military intervention, which was crucial to the success of the insurgents. However, the international support for the uprising would not have been possible without the diplomatic efforts of the quickly formed Libyan Transitional National Council, which represented the opposition forces against Col. Qaddafi. The consolidation of both the Libyan opposition and international military operation in Libya were the key factors of the socalled Libyan Arab Spring. The first chapter of the article presents the significant developments of the Libyan revolt from the beginning of the protests until the death of Col. Qaddafi and formation of a first government. The uprising and military intervention led to the change of the political system of the state. It has caused numerous damages and brought many challenges threats to the new Libyan authorities, not only economic, but also social, political and military. The second part of the article addresses these challenges and threats, as they have been determining the shape and structure of the new Libya. This section presents the relevant factors such as the tribal ties, the country's partition into the center and periphery, the role of religion in social and political life, which will have a huge impact on the Libyan society, the future structure of the state, the political scene of the country and relations with regional and global actors. The last part of the article analyses the Libyan uprising and the impact of international military intervention on the situation in Libya. It is an attempt to draw scenarios of the future of Libya and its impact on the security situation in the Mediterranean region, in Africa and in the Arab world. It shows both the possible advantages of the regime change in Libya and the threats for the stabilization of the country and neighbouring regions.

Afghanistan has been suffering because of military conflicts for 30 years. Due to the soviet military occupation and later on civil war thousands of people have lost their lifes and millions were forced to abandon their homes. Civil service and enterprises collapsed. Ruling the state from the 1996 Talibs changed the country into confessional state, almost completely closed for the entire world. Terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center from the 11 September 2001 and in the consequence NATO's military intervention in Afghanistan got rid ofthe Talibs but at the same time entangled NATO into long-lasting peacekeeping mission. In the polish-afghan's relationship we can single out to periods: 1989-2001 which limited our relationship due to the internal situation in Afghanistan and priorities of the polish foreign policy ( NATO and UE accession). The decision ofsending the polish military troops in 2001 opened the second period - the active polish participation in creating interior safety and balance in Afghanistan and also establishing political and economical cooperation. ; Projekt Operacyjny Polska Cyfrowa POPC.02.03.01-00-0039/18

In theory, the art of war can meet different approach to the characteristics of the phenomenon of war and peace. Until recently the phenomenon of war and peace could be compared to a magnet, creating a single entity, but having two opposite poles. The new realities of social, economic, political and military relationships between the phenomena of war and peace can be compared to the spectrum of visible light, where peace and war still represent opposite poles, but in between there is the phenomenon (concept) intermediate. Study aims to analyze the situation in the Persian Gulf in the twenty-first century. The article consists of three parts. The first presents the results of research on the origin of the conflict and the assumed political and military objectives. In the second, the conclusions of the Iraqi Freedom operation have been formulated in the context of the goals achieved and their impact on peace-building in the Gulf region. In the last one, an attempt was made to answer the question whether the military intervention of coalition forces in Iraq has led to a solution of the crisis, or rather it has been the beginning of the current problems Europe is facing. ; W teorii operacji wojskowych, sztuce wojennej oraz naukach politycznych można spotkać różne podejścia do pokoju i wojny. Do niedawna jeszcze oba zjawiska porównywano do magnesu, tworzącego jedną całość, posiadającego jednak dwa przeciwstawne bieguny. W nowych realiach społecznych, ekonomicznych, politycznych i militarnych wzajemne relacje pomiędzy wojną i pokojem można porównać do widma światła widzialnego, gdzie oba nadal stanowią przeciwstawne bieguny, ale pomiędzy nimi pojawiły się zjawiska (pojęcia) pośrednie. Celem artykułu jest analiza sytuacji konfliktowej w Zatoce Perskiej w XXI. Artykuł składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej przedstawiono wyniki badań dotyczących genezy konfliktu oraz zakładanych celów politycznych i militarnych. W drugiej, sformułowano wnioski z przeprowadzonej operacji Iracka Wolność, w kontekście sposobów osiągania tychże celów i ich wpływu na kształtowanie pokoju w regionie Zatoki Perskiej. W ostatniej, zaprezentowano próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie: czy interwencja zbrojna sił koalicyjnych w I raku doprowadziła do rozwiązania kryzysu, czy raczej stała się początkiem obecnych problemów z jakimi zmaga się Europa.

Article describes a complex political crisis lasting in Mali and his probable implications. There were presented in detail two fundamental aspects of this crisis such as: the Tuareg (MNLA) and islamists rebellion started in January as well as military coup from march 2012. It was claimed that the military intervention at the beginning of 2013 r., in which French army was involved, was an indispensable solution – but insufficient. It was found that sweeping reforms are needed to value Tuareg participation in political and economic life of the country (for eg. in the form of autonomy). It was demonstrated that labile interior situation in Mali might destabilize all order in Western and Sub-Saharan Africa as well as in Sahel area by increasing the threat of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and crime (especially by AKIM, Boko Haram and MUJAO). Not to mention the safety of North Africa, where the situation after the Arab Spring is still fragile, and in the longer term, Europe and the USA.

Arabska Wiosna przybrała w Libii formę wojny domowej, w następstwie której doszło do zewnętrznej interwencji zbrojnej i obalenia reżimu Muammara Kaddafiego. Bez mała siedem lat od wybuchu wojny państwo nadal pogrążone jest w chaosie. Brak zgody co do kształtu ustrojowego i przywództwa państwa konserwuje status quo i sprawia, że wyjście z impasu jest coraz trudniejsze. W artykule podjęto próbę analizy sytuacji politycznej Libii oraz czynników determinujących impas polityczny, którymi są – zdaniem autorki – przede wszystkim: współistnienie kilku ośrodków władzy, konflikty etniczne, aktywność ugrupowań zbrojnych (milicji), tworzonych zarówno przez wojskowych, jak i islamistów, a także słabość i brak jedności aktorów zewnętrznych, w tym ONZ, w wypracowywaniu kompromisu dotyczącego Libii. ; The Arab Spring in Libya took the form of a civil war, which led to the external military intervention and overthrowing the Muammar Qaddafi regime. Nearly seven years since the war broke out, the country has still remained in chaos. A lack of consensus regarding the form of political system and leadership in the country maintains the status quo and makes the current deadlock increasingly difficult to be broken. The article seeks to analyse the political landscape in Libya as well as the factors affecting the political impasse in the country, which, in the opinion of the author, comprised primarily of the coexistence of several power centres, ethnic conflicts, the activity of armed groups (militias) created both by military members and Islamists, and the weakness as well as the lack of unity in making a compromise on Libya among external actors, including the UN.

Bliskie stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają wpływ na określanie celów polskiej polityki zagranicznej, a także na dobór środków i metod tej polityki. Stosunki Polski z USA sprowadzają się głównie do kwestii bezpieczeństwa. W latach 90. widoczny był prymat środków polityczno-dyplomatycznych a Polska stopniowo stosowała strategię bandwagoning w stosunkach z USA. Z biegiem czasu ta strategia prowadziła do utożsamiania naszych interesów narodowych z interesami Stanów Zjednoczonych. To skłoniło Polskę do bezwarunkowego wsparcia interwencji wojskowej USA w Iraku oraz do udziału w wojnie w Afganistanie. Coraz wyraźniej, Polska zaczęła reprezentować oparte na realistycznym paradygmacie rozumienie bezpieczeństwa i preferowanie zasobów i instrumentów wojskowych, własnych, koalicyjnych (natowskich) i amerykańskich. Stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają zasadniczy wpływ także na pozycję i role międzynarodowe Polski, wśród których wyróżnia się rola satelity USA. ; Close Polish-American relations have an impact on shaping the objectives of Poland's foreign policy, as well as the choice of methods and measures used in this policy. Polish relations with the United States boil down mainly to security issues. The 1990s witnessed the visible primacy of political and diplomatic measures, and Poland gradually applied a bandwagoning strategy in relations with the United States. Over time, this strategy has led to the identification of our national interests with the interests of the United States. This prompted Poland to unconditionally support the US military intervention in Iraq,and to participate in the war in Afghanistan. More and more clearly, Poland began to present – based on a realistic paradigm – an understanding of security and a preference for military resources and instruments, whether its own, the coalition's (NATO) or the US's. Polish-American relations have a major impact also on the position and international roles of Poland, with the role as a US satellite standing out.

Bliskie stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają wpływ na określanie celów polskiej polityki zagranicznej, a także na dobór środków i metod tej polityki. Stosunki Polski z USA sprowadzają się głównie do kwestii bezpieczeństwa. W latach 90. widoczny był prymat środków polityczno-dyplomatycznych, a Polska stopniowo stosowała strategię bandwagoning w stosunkach z USA. Z biegiem czasu ta strategia prowadziła do utożsamiania naszych interesów narodowych z interesami Stanów Zjednoczonych. To skłoniło Polskę do bezwarunkowego wsparcia interwencji wojskowej USA w Iraku oraz do udziału w wojnie w Afganistanie. Coraz wyraźniej Polska zaczęła reprezentować oparte na realistycznym paradygmacie rozumienie bezpieczeństwa i preferowanie zasobów i instrumentów wojskowych, własnych, koalicyjnych (natowskich) i amerykańskich. Stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają zasadniczy wpływ także na pozycję i role międzynarodowe Polski, wśród których wyróżnia się rola satelity USA. ; Close Polish-American relations have an impact on shaping the objectives of Poland's foreign policy, as well as the choice of methods and measures used in this policy. Polish relations with the United States boil down mainly to security issues. The 1990s witnessed the visible primacy of political and diplomatic measures, and Poland gradually applied a bandwagoning strategy in relations with the United States. Over time, this strategy has led to the identification of our national interests with the interests of the United States. This prompted Poland to unconditionally support the US military intervention in Iraq, and to participate in the war in Afghanistan. More and more clearly, Poland began to present – based on a realistic paradigm – an understanding of security and a preference for military resources and instruments, whether its own, the coalition's (NATO) or the US's. Polish-American relations have a major impact also on the position and international roles of Poland, with the role as a US satellite standing out.

The present text focuses on presenting opinions of the Byzantines about the rulers of pagan Bulgaria as military leaders and reasons given by Byzantine au­thors explaining mishaps of their troops in battles against Bulgaria. The author concludes that, in general, the Byzantines did not allow for a thought that they could be defeated by any external power, in the least by the barbarian Mysians/ Bulgarians. However, if such occurrences took place, they were considered to be caused by divine intervention or negligence of the Byzantines themselves (i.e. disloyalty, lack of cooperation between commanders, low morale of the army etc.) and never result from genuine capability of the enemy, actual courage of the hos­tile forces or the adversaries' leadership skills (which were generally discounted). ; The present text focuses on presenting opinions of the Byzantines about the rulers of pagan Bulgaria as military leaders and reasons given by Byzantine au­thors explaining mishaps of their troops in battles against Bulgaria. The author concludes that, in general, the Byzantines did not allow for a thought that they could be defeated by any external power, in the least by the barbarian Mysians/ Bulgarians. However, if such occurrences took place, they were considered to be caused by divine intervention or negligence of the Byzantines themselves (i.e. disloyalty, lack of cooperation between commanders, low morale of the army etc.) and never result from genuine capability of the enemy, actual courage of the hos­tile forces or the adversaries' leadership skills (which were generally discounted).

Diplomatic representatives and communist functionaries from People's Republic of Poland towards political development in Slovakia in the period of Czechoslovak reform in the years 1968–1969(Summary)Slovakia and the structures of Communist Party of Slovakia (CPS), local branch of statewide Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC), played an important role in the period of attempts to reform the communist political system in Czechoslovakia in the years 1968–1969. The effort to gain an equal position to Slovakia in the common state catalyzed the crisis in the ruling establishment that led to election of Slovak communists' leader Alexander Dubček to the post ofFirst Secretary of CC CPC. Dubček became a symbol of reform movement in the party. In Bratislava he was succeded by Vasil Biľak, one of the main supporters of Warsaw Pact's military intervention in Czechoslovakia. After invasion in the August 1968 the leadership in CPS was taken over by Gustáv Husák, who suppressed the freedoms in Slovakia, and after becoming First Secretary of CC CPC in April 1969 continued the "normalization" in the rest of the country. The situation in Slovakia was observed by the diplomats of People's Republic of Poland and functionaries of Polish United Workers' Party especially from regions bordering with Slovakia, who maintained contacts with Slovak comrades. A lot of attention to Slovak problems was given by Władysław Kruczek, First Secretary of Rzeszów Voivodship party organization, who obtained news about situation in neighbouring country from the communists of Eastern Slovakia. The documents are bringing a lot of detailed information, reveal the backstage of some aspects of Czechoslovak politics. They are reflecting the mood in Slovakia, especially among the party functionaries at different levels, but are presenting ideologically deformed outlook and are written from the standpoint that was inimical to democratic changes, which were described accordingly to official attitude as a work of "reaction" and "zionists". The information sent to Warsaw supported the opinion of PUWP leadership that the Czechoslovak reform must be stopped, because it is dangerous to the monopoly of communist power in the whole Soviet block.

Diplomatic representatives and communist functionaries from People's Republic of Poland towards political development in Slovakia in the period of Czechoslovak reform in the years 1968–1969(Summary)Slovakia and the structures of Communist Party of Slovakia (CPS), local branch of statewide Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC), played an important role in the period of attempts to reform the communist political system in Czechoslovakia in the years 1968–1969. The effort to gain an equal position to Slovakia in the common state catalyzed the crisis in the ruling establishment that led to election of Slovak communists' leader Alexander Dubček to the post ofFirst Secretary of CC CPC. Dubček became a symbol of reform movement in the party. In Bratislava he was succeded by Vasil Biľak, one of the main supporters of Warsaw Pact's military intervention in Czechoslovakia. After invasion in the August 1968 the leadership in CPS was taken over by Gustáv Husák, who suppressed the freedoms in Slovakia, and after becoming First Secretary of CC CPC in April 1969 continued the "normalization" in the rest of the country. The situation in Slovakia was observed by the diplomats of People's Republic of Poland and functionaries of Polish United Workers' Party especially from regions bordering with Slovakia, who maintained contacts with Slovak comrades. A lot of attention to Slovak problems was given by Władysław Kruczek, First Secretary of Rzeszów Voivodship party organization, who obtained news about situation in neighbouring country from the communists of Eastern Slovakia. The documents are bringing a lot of detailed information, reveal the backstage of some aspects of Czechoslovak politics. They are reflecting the mood in Slovakia, especially among the party functionaries at different levels, but are presenting ideologically deformed outlook and are written from the standpoint that was inimical to democratic changes, which were described accordingly to official attitude as a work of "reaction" and "zionists". The information sent to Warsaw supported the opinion of PUWP leadership that the Czechoslovak reform must be stopped, because it is dangerous to the monopoly of communist power in the whole Soviet block.

Polish-American relations and Iraq War in political conceptions of Liga Polskich Rodzin Liga Polskich Rodzin (League of Polish Families) had two points of view toward policy of the United States of America. On the one hand leaders of party thought, that alliance with the USA should be one of the most important principles of Polish foreign policy. Theirs attitude was connected with conviction, that partnership and good relations with American power Poland could protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity in opposite German revisionism and Russian aspiration for rebuilding former political influence in Eastern Europe. Another reason conceptions for Polish- -American cooperation was conviction, that this alliance let Poland receive more economical benefits from the USA than through integration with European Union. The United States of America might be better alternative for economical and social development of Polish country than EU, because, according to attitude of LPR, American power always helps its allies, without forcing on them its diktat in internal and foreign policy. Third reason of pro-American point of view in political thought of LPR was hope, that position main American ally in continental part of Europe could let Poland become one of the more important countries in this part of the world or obtain more better conditions during negotiation with EU. On the other hand leaders of LPR knew, that more of them ideas was wishful thinking, which not to be connected with reality and main targets of American foreign policy. As a proof for it showed bad treatment of Poland and Polish citizens by the USA and disregarding interests of Polish state. These activities would be using Polish military forces in operations in Afganistan and Iraq without any compensations, for example financial help, political support in different international troubles or liquidation visa for Polish citizens. Declared ideas of Polish-American cooperation was mixed with critics policy of the USA, but LPR always stood on position supporting American power, thinking, that alliance with them was more belter solution than integrity with EU.

Polish-American relations and Iraq War in political conceptions of Liga Polskich Rodzin Liga Polskich Rodzin (League of Polish Families) had two points of view toward policy of the United States of America. On the one hand leaders of party thought, that alliance with the USA should be one of the most important principles of Polish foreign policy. Theirs attitude was connected with conviction, that partnership and good relations with American power Poland could protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity in opposite German revisionism and Russian aspiration for rebuilding former political influence in Eastern Europe. Another reason conceptions for Polish- -American cooperation was conviction, that this alliance let Poland receive more economical benefits from the USA than through integration with European Union. The United States of America might be better alternative for economical and social development of Polish country than EU, because, according to attitude of LPR, American power always helps its allies, without forcing on them its diktat in internal and foreign policy. Third reason of pro-American point of view in political thought of LPR was hope, that position main American ally in continental part of Europe could let Poland become one of the more important countries in this part of the world or obtain more better conditions during negotiation with EU. On the other hand leaders of LPR knew, that more of them ideas was wishful thinking, which not to be connected with reality and main targets of American foreign policy. As a proof for it showed bad treatment of Poland and Polish citizens by the USA and disregarding interests of Polish state. These activities would be using Polish military forces in operations in Afganistan and Iraq without any compensations, for example financial help, political support in different international troubles or liquidation visa for Polish citizens. Declared ideas of Polish-American cooperation was mixed with critics policy of the USA, but LPR always stood on position supporting American power, thinking, that alliance with them was more belter solution than integrity with EU.