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AbstractThis special issue of the Nordic Journal of International Law is testimony to the range of international interventions that have been enabled by the energies and insights of feminism. Each of the contributions to this issue is an attempt to think through what it means to read and write feminist legal theory in an age dominated by internationalist narratives, whether of globalization and harmonization, or of high-tech wars on terror and for humanity. This introductory article sketches some of the ethical and political questions that face those of us who attempt to develop a feminist practice of engaging with the projects of international law, whether in the fields of human rights, military intervention, post-conflict reconstruction or economic globalization. In particular, I explore the extent to which feminist internationalism is haunted by the shades of those nineteenth-century European feminists whose role in facilitating empire is undergoing much exploration. In order to think through the ethical issues involved in developing a feminist reading of international law, this article outlines some of the ways in which feminist legal theory is invited to participate in the project of constituting women and the international community. I consider some of the dangers involved in accepting this invitation, and propose alternative methodologies for undertaking the risky project of reading international law.

Critical of President George W. Bush's foreign and military policies, including 2003 Iraq War and the global war on terrorism, arguing that his perception of US role in the world constitutes liberal imperialism. Return to Wilsonian internationalism, proclaiming freedom as a natural birthright, pursuit of human liberty and international order, and risks to American liberal republican values and international institutions.

Correspondence between Mr. L.V. Navarro, Director of the Navarro Publishing Co. of Los Angeles, CA., and Gen. Alvaro Obregón, in which L.V. Navarro sends Gen. Obregón his last teaching work. L.V. Navarro informs of having received the MANIFESTO TO THE NATION and offers to work in favor of his candidacy in the United States, where he has influence in various circles. L.V. Navarro informs of the good reception of his work MANIFESTO TO THE NATION in the American newspapers; reiterates his support of his candidacy and he puts himself at Gen. Obregón's disposal. L.V. Navarro sends Gen. Obregón reports about the attitudes of the American press, as well as a clipping of the interview that they did with Lansing, Secretary of Northamerican State, in Paris, on the possible Military Intervention of the United States in Mexico, "Lansing Says no Action by U.S. in Mexico". L.V. Navarro sends Gen. Alvaro Obregón clippings of American press in which they try to justify an armed intervention in Mexico denigrating our country and our political leaders: a) Mc. GRATH, Justin. "2 Nations to Back U.S. is New Rumor"; b) "Deny U.S. Plans Invasion of Mexico"; c) BRONNER, Milton. "Europe to Ask U.S. to Collect Mexico Claims"; d) "Woman who saw Tragedy to Testify". LOS ANGELES EVENING HERALD, Los Angeles, Cal. E.U.A. Jul.16, 1919. e) SEARS HENNING, Arthur. "Wilson gets Report on Mexican Situation", THE LOS ANGELES TIMES, Los Angeles, Cal. E.U.A. Jul.18, 1919. f) "New Data on Mexico goes to Capital". Navarro informs Gen. Alvaro Obregón that he interviewed with the head of the editorial section of the EXAMINER and that he seems to have convinced him to vary his policital ideas regarding both Mexico and Obregón; he offers Obregón to be an intermediary between him and the American press. Mr. L.V. Navarro sends Gen. Obregón a clipping of a newspaper in which the telegram sent by Gen. Obregón to President Venustiano Carranza is transcribed, offering his military services in case of a Military intervention by the United States: "Obregón Offers his Services". Mr. L.V. Navarro reiterates his confidence in what will be the administration of Gen. Alvaro Obregón. Clipping of an article titled: "Ligget Talks on Mex. Against Intervention". LOS ANGELES EVENING EXPRESS, Los Angeles, CA, US, Sept. 8, 1919; published an interview with Gen. Ligget, Commander of the Western Department, who assures that the border with Mexico is peaceful and that there is no reason to think of a military intervention. "New Crisis in Mex. Border Situation". LOS ANGELES EVENING HERALD, Los Angeles, CA, US, Sept 9, 1919; informs of various problems with crime and riots in Mexico, which urges the United States to take drastic measures. L.V. Navarro sends Gen. Alvaro Obregón a complementary article published in the American press in which they reproduced and commented on the Manifesto that Gen. Alvaro Obregón gave to the American people. "Gen. Obregon Protests U.S. Intervention", LOS ANGELES EXAMINER, Los Angeles, CA, US, Sept 13, 1919. / Correspondencia entre el Sr. L.V. Navarro, Director de la Navarro Publishing Co. de Los Angeles, Cal. y el Gral. Alvaro Obregón, en la cual L.V. Navarro envía al Gral. Obregón su última obra de enseñanza. Informa L.V. Navarro haber recibido el MANIFIESTO A LA NACION y se ofrece a trabajar a favor de la candidatura del Gral. Alvaro Obregón en los Estados Unidos, donde goza de cierta influencia en varios círculos. L.V. Navarro informa de la buena acogida que han dado los periódicos norteamericanos a su MANIFIESTO A LA NACION; le reitera su apoyo a su candidatura y de nuevo se pone a sus órdenes. L.V. Navarro envía al Gral. Alvaro Obregón informes sobre la actitud de la prensa norteamericana, así como un recorte de la entrevista que le hacen a Lansing, Secretario de Estado Norteamericano, en París, sobre posible intervención de los Estados Unidos a México, "Lansing Says no Action by U.S. in Mexico". L.V. Navarro envía al Gral. Alvaro Obregón recortes de prensa norteamericana en los que tratan de justificar una intervención armada en México denigrando a nuestro país y a nuestros gobernantes: a) Mc. GRATH, Justin. "2 Nations to Back U.S. is New Rumor"; b) "Deny U.S. Plans Invasion of Mexico"; c) BRONNER, Milton. "Europe to Ask U.S. to Collecto Mexico Claims"; d) "Woman who saw Tragedy to Testify". LOS ANGELES EVENING HERALD, Los Angeles, Cal. E.U.A. Jul.16, 1919. e) SEARS HENNING, Arthur. "Wilson gets Report on Mexican Situation", THE LOS ANGELES TIMES, Los Angeles, Cal. E.U.A. Jul.18, 1919. f) "New Data on Mexico goes to Capital". El Sr. L.V. Navarro informa al Gral. Alvaro Obregón que se entrevistó con el jefe de la sección editorial del EXAMINER y que parece que lo convenció de variar su política relativa tanto a México como a Obregón; ofrece al Gral. Obregón ser intermediario entre él y la prensa norteamericana. El Sr.L.V. Navarro envía al Gral. Obregón el recorte de un periódico en el que se transcribe el telegrama que envía el Gral. Obregón al Presidente Venustiano Carranza, ofreciendo sus servicios militares en caso de intervención armada de los Estados Unidos: "Obregon Offers his Services". El Sr. L.V. Navarro reitera su confianza en lo que será la administración del Gral. Alvaro Obregón. Recortes de periódico titulados: "Ligget Talks on Mex. Against Intervention", LOS ANGELES EVENING EXPRESS, Los Angeles, Cal. E.U.A. Sept. 8, 1919; publica una entrevista con el Gral. Ligget, Comandante del Departamento del Oeste, quien asegura que la frontera con México está en paz y que no hay razón para pensar en una intervención armada. "New Crisis in Mex. Border Situation". LOS ANGELES EVENING HERALD, Los Angeles, Cal. E.U.A. Sept. 9, 1919; informan de diversos problemas de criminalidad y desorden en México que obligarona los Estados Unidos a tomar medidas drásticas. L.V. Navarro envía al Gral. Alvaro Obregón un elogioso artículo publicado en la prensa norteamericana en el que reproducen y comentan el Manifiesto que el Gral. Alvaro Obregón dirigió al pueblo norteamericano: "Gen. Obregon Protests U.S. Intervention", LOS ANGELES EXAMINER, Los Angeles, Cal. E.U.A. Sept.13, 1919.

Cramond Roman Fort has been the focus of archaeological interest since the publication of John Wood's history of the parish in the late 18th century, with a floruit of activity in the latter half of the 20th century. Playing an important part in this volume of work have been the excavations led by the late Mr Charlie Hoy (d 1991), an Edinburgh amateur archaeologist working principally with the Edinburgh Archaeological Field Society and latterly on his own. His excavations have recovered a wide range of evidence from the Mesolithic through the Roman and medieval periods up to the post-medieval development of Cramond House Estate. Hoy's investigations have been hugely important to our understanding of the Roman fort's associated annexe/extramural settlement, in particular providing new evidence for its origins in the Antonine period, and for Severan occupation, as well as uncovering a multi-phased road and associated wooden structures. In addition, the artefact assemblage further adds to the corpus from the site and includes an internationally significant sword pendant belonging to a beneficiarius (beneficiarii were troops on special service for the provincial governor) that demonstrates the presence of German troops at the fort, and perhaps hints at the presence of the emperor himself.

Many civil wars are illustrative of wider international tensions and connections that transcend state borders. States often intervene to influence the trajectory and outcome of civil conflicts by providing external support to warring parties. This assistance ranges from direct military intervention to the provision of weapons, training, funds, safe havens, intelligence, logistics and other critical resources. This dissertation contains four individual essays that each seeks to advance our knowledge of state support to rebel movements. The first essays (I and II) add to our understanding of how external state support influences conflict dynamics while the latter (III and IV) begin to unpack the political decision-making process behind decisions that alter the original support commitment. Essay I evaluates whether state support to rebels increases the probability of civil war negotiations being initiated. The findings question a widespread belief among policymakers that support can foster negotiations. Essay II explores if external support influences the risk of conflict recurrence. It finds that state support to rebels can increase the risk of conflict recurrence in the short-term while there is no equivalent effect of support provided to governments. Essay III is the first global analysis of support termination and it thereby opens up an entirely new research field. The results suggest that the causes related to the initiation of support and its termination are largely distinct while the transition from the Cold War and the absence of ethnic kinship ties offer some insights into when states are more likely to terminate support. Essay IV unpacks the political decision-making process of the United States' support to the armed opposition in Nicaragua in the 1980s and in Syria in the 2010s. The results indicate that adverse feedback functions as a trigger for increasing previous commitments as long as policy failure can be attributed to external actors, while reduced support is often a result of attributing failure to the state sponsor's own actions. Taken together, the essays make significant contributions to advance our understanding of biased third-party interventions, conflict recurrence, civil war negotiations, foreign policy decision-making and state sponsorship of terrorism.

The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has negatively affected the mental health of the general population. However, less is known about its impact on vulnerable populations, such as veterans with pre-existing psychiatric conditions. Data were analyzed from the National Health and Resilience in Veterans Study, which surveyed a nationally representative cohort of U.S. veterans. Pre-pandemic and 1-year peri-pandemic risk and protective factors associated with suicidal ideation (SI) were examined in veterans with pre-existing psychiatric conditions. 19.2% of veterans screened positive for SI peri-pandemic. Relative to veterans without SI, they had lower income, were more likely to have been infected with COVID-19, reported greater COVID-19-related financial and social restriction stress, and increases in psychiatric symptoms and loneliness during the pandemic. A multivariable analysis revealed that older age, greater pre-pandemic psychiatric symptom severity, past-year SI, lifetime suicide attempt, psychosocial difficulties, COVID-19 infection, and past-year increase in psychiatric symptom severity were linked to peri-pandemic SI, while pre-pandemic higher income and purpose in life were protective. Among veterans who were infected with COVID-19, those aged 45 or older and who reported lower purpose in life were more likely to endorse SI. Monitoring for suicide risk and worsening psychiatric symptoms in older veterans who have been infected with COVID-19 may be important. Interventions that enhance purpose in life may help protect against SI in this population.

"Traces the trajectory of the American Empire from its founding through to the end of the 20th century. This book demonstrates the falsity of the claim for American exceptionalism, a secular version of the old idea that America has been divinely founded and guided. The American Trajectory contains many episodes that many readers will find surprising: That the sinking of the Lusitania was anticipated, both by Churchill and Wilson, as a means of inducing America's entry into World War I; that the attack on Pearl Harbor was neither unprovoked nor a surprise; that during the "Good War" the US government plotted and played politics with a view to becoming the dominant empire; that there was no need to drop atomic bombs on Japan either to win the war or to save American lives; that US decisions were central to the inability of the League of Nations and the United Nations to prevent war; that the United States was more responsible than the Soviet Union for the Cold War; that the Vietnam War was far from the only US military adventure during the Cold War that killed great numbers of civilians; that the US government organized false flag attacks that deliberately killed Europeans; and that America's military interventions after the dissolution of the Soviet Union taught some conservatives (such as Andrew Bacevich and Chalmers Johnson) that the US interventions during the Cold War were not primarily defensive. The conclusion deals with the question of how knowledge by citizens of how the American Empire has behaved could make America better and how America, which had long thought of itself as the Redeemer Nation, might redeem itself."--Provided by publisher

"Traces the trajectory of the American Empire from its founding through to the end of the 20th century. This book demonstrates the falsity of the claim for American exceptionalism, a secular version of the old idea that America has been divinely founded and guided. The American Trajectory contains many episodes that many readers will find surprising: That the sinking of the Lusitania was anticipated, both by Churchill and Wilson, as a means of inducing America's entry into World War I; that the attack on Pearl Harbor was neither unprovoked nor a surprise; that during the "Good War" the US government plotted and played politics with a view to becoming the dominant empire; that there was no need to drop atomic bombs on Japan either to win the war or to save American lives; that US decisions were central to the inability of the League of Nations and the United Nations to prevent war; that the United States was more responsible than the Soviet Union for the Cold War; that the Vietnam War was far from the only US military adventure during the Cold War that killed great numbers of civilians; that the US government organized false flag attacks that deliberately killed Europeans; and that America's military interventions after the dissolution of the Soviet Union taught some conservatives (such as Andrew Bacevich and Chalmers Johnson) that the US interventions during the Cold War were not primarily defensive. The conclusion deals with the question of how knowledge by citizens of how the American Empire has behaved could make America better and how America, which had long thought of itself as the Redeemer Nation, might redeem itself."--Provided by publisher.

For those of us who believe that the Chilean government should have resolutely supported the Anglo-American alliance in its military intervention in Iraq, we note that our diplomacy was zigzagging, contradictory, hasty, unable to articulate national interests with the principles of the country's foreign policy, and ended up imprisoned by public opinion, mostly opposed to the North American intervention. This critical vision is based on a debatable postulate: the national interest advised to support without delay the request of the United States to obtain the authorization of the Security Council of the United Nations that would contribute to the legitimization of the military actions in Iraq. To assume this position, there were sufficient grounds. It was possible to harmonize the national interest with the principle of respect for international law that Chilean foreign policy should promote. ; Para quienes creemos que el gobierno chileno debió haber respaldado resueltamente a la alianza anglo-estadounidense en su intervención militar en Irak, constatamos que nuestra diplomacia fue zigzagueante, contradictoria, precipitada, incapaz de articular los intereses nacionales con los principios de la política exterior del país, y terminó aprisionada por la opinión pública, mayoritariamente contraria a la intervención norteamericana. Esta visión crítica se basa en un postulado discutible: el interés nacional aconsejaba apoyar sin dilaciones la solicitud de los Estados Unidos para obtener la autorización del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas que contribuiría a la legitimización de las acciones militares en Irak. Para asumir esta posición, había fundamentos suficientes. Era posible armonizar el interés nacional con el principio de respeto del derecho internacional que debe promover la política exterior chilena.

Analyzes military doctrine, organization, capabilities, and missions of France's rapid reaction force, designated primarily for foreign service, since its establishment Oct. 1, 1983.

In late nineteenth/early twentieth century, British India had to face a state of almost uninterrupted turmoil along its borders. At the outbreak of World War I, the problem rose to strategic relevance, especially in the light of the German efforts to destabilize Afghanistan. Since political, strategic and economic considerations conjured in excluding outright military occupation, local authorities had to develop a series of tools, from small-scale military intervention to more ambitious efforts aimed at integrating the local powers into the imperial security framework. Along the western borders of India, the treaty of Jacobabad (1876) had formally settled relations with Kalat (a semi-independent proto-state ruled by a Brahoi Khan of the Ahmadzai family) but it had also compromised the Raj to support a largely resented ruler. Situation proved the most intractable in Makran, where local headmen repeatedly tried to assert their independence. The advent of Sir John Ramsey as AGG and Chief Commissioner in Baluchistan (1911) seemed breaking this vicious circle. Ramsey tried to modernize Kalat's administration by containing the Khan's autocracy; at the same time, he normalized the relations with Makrani sardars and recognized their role within the system of the imperial dignities. His efforts peaked at the eve of the conflict. Implementing a politics «of conciliatory intervention, tempered with lucrative employment and light taxation», he managed to re-establish both the Khan's authority and the Khanate's military stability on the base of a (largely apocryphal) "federal tradition" embodied in the so-called "Brahoi Constitution". However, this solution too proved inherently unstable. In 1915 violence spread out again, while the Baloch Camel Corps – the main symbol of Kalat's newly found political harmony – ingloriously returned from Basra, where it was tasked to support the action of the ill-fated Indian Expeditionary Force D

The COVID-19 pandemic and measures taken in response to the pandemic, including compulsory stay-at-home orders, have negatively impacted people's physical and mental well-being in the United States (US). These issues may be exacerbated in US military veterans; however, little to no research has examined the impact of compulsory stay-at-home orders on veterans. The goal of this pilot study was thus to examine the impact of the COVID-19 compulsory stay-at-home order in Alaska on physical activity and overall well-being of veterans living in Alaska. A total of 16 veterans living in Alaska completed an online survey that assessed their physical activity and overall well-being in the month prior to the compulsory stay-at-home order and in a month during the compulsory stay-at-home order. Results indicated a statistically significant decrease in the participants' physical activity and overall satisfaction with their health, as well as a borderline significant decrease in environmental well-being. These results, while limited in generalizability due to the small sample size, provide initial insight into the impacts of the compulsory stay-at-home order in Alaska on veterans and call for additional research and the creation of interventions to provide veterans with alternate methods to engage in physical activity and promote their overall well-being.

"Are we in this together?" security, development, and the "comprehensive approach" agenda / Finn Stepputat -- Developmentality and the World Bank in the new aid architecture / Jon Harald Sande Lie -- Securitization in stable settings: the privatization of government and Zambia's 'war on corruption' / Jeremy Gould -- Securing resources through exceptional means in the Americas / John-Andrew McNeish -- Securitization of the social and state transformation from Iraq to Mozambique / Bjorn Enge Bertelsen -- (In)security in a space of exception: the destruction of the Nahr El-Bared refugee camp / Are Knudsen -- The strength of weak ideas?: human security, policy history, and climate change in Bangladesh / David Lewis -- Seduced by security: the politics of (in)security on Lombok, Indonesia / Kari Telle -- Plural security: moral order and security in Cambodia / Alexandra Kent.