Suchergebnisse

Artykuł rozważa zmianę w endeckim dyskursie politycznym w okresie rewolucji 1905–1907. Podejmuję w nim analizę zmiany stosunku do "mas". Wizję modernizacji mas traktuję jako specyficzną formę dyskursu nowoczesności – reakcję na niezdeterminowanie, nieadekwatność politycznych instytucji i języków i gwałtowne rozszerzenie realnego uczestnictwa politycznego. Argumentuję, że określona koniunktura czy splot zdarzeń, zarówno z dziedziny myślenia politycznego, jak i procesów społecznych, wytworzyła specyficzną sytuację kryzysu, pewien moment polityczny. Określona reakcja na ten moment – w tym przypadku organicystyczny, hierarchiczny dyskurs wspólnoty i wizja zdyscyplinowanych mas pod endecką kontrolą, zadecydowała o kształcie całości endeckiego myślenia politycznego. Ów efekt ma swoje długofalowe konsekwencje i określa późniejszy kształt ideowy formacji endeckiej. ; The article examines a change in Polish National Democratic (Nationalist) political discourse accompanying the 1905 Revolution. In particular, I scrutinize the change in the conceptualization of "the masses". I consider a particular vision of the modernization of the masses as a form of discourse of modernity. Thus, I see it as a reaction to the indeterminacy of the social inadequacy of existing political institutions and discourses and the rapid widening of actual political participation. I argue that specific conjuncture between lineages of political thinking and social processes created a tipping point: a political moment or crisis. A particular answer for this moment – in this case an organic, hierarchic discourse of community and the envisioned whole of disciplined masses under the nationalistic control – defined the forthcoming shape of the National Democratic program. This resulted in long lasting consequences and defined the overall National Democratic project.

The article discusses the main features of "solidarity of generations" concept. This approach is used in the analysis of the ageing process at the beginning of the XXI century as well as in designing of public policy. Essay introduces the basic concepts of generations and relationships between generations meaning. Article emphasizes that solidarity between generations is a social issue that requires the combined intervention of public, commercial and non-commercial bodies. Paper presents a conclusions from critical analysis of assumptions for the solidarity of generations included in the selected documents of civilizational project "Poland 2030. The Third Wave of Modernity."

The aim of the article is to present, based on the results of the latest research, the basic phenomena in the field of economic and social modernization taking place in Poland in the interwar period. An introduction to the analysis is the opening balance, which discusses the conditions present in Poland in 1918. The following sections present the processes of economic and social modernization taking place in it. Within the framework of economic modernization, the basic limitations were the negative impact of the legacy of the partitions, war damage and the Great Depression. The currency reform of Władysław Grabski, the period of prosperity in the second half of the 1920s, and the modernization policy of Eugeniusz Kwiatkowski in the second half of the 1930s were favorable phenomena. In the case of social modernization, the state played an important role, introducing important institutional solutions from the very beginning, including equality of citizens before the law, compulsory schooling, women's suffrage. A special role was played by the social policy of the state, thanks to which hundreds of thousands of citizens entered modernity, who could take advantage of social security, modern labor legislation, employment policy, and health care. At the same time, there were visible processes of disseminating the achievements of modernity, including mass and popular culture. The conclusions of the analysis indicate that, despite many examples, modernization in interwar Poland had an island character. The processes related to it have only just begun, and the implementation of many projects undertaken in the second half of the 1930s, such as the construction of the Central Industrial District or the public health service, was interrupted by the outbreak of World War II.

At the beginning of the XXI century, human societies are entering a period of "late modernity" characterized by new forms of trust and risk, untransparent social situations and economic, political and cultural globalization. These processes are associated with the presence of abstract systems that surround people and which require support of people with expertise in the fields which include transport, telecommunications, finance, security, media, energy. At the same time, it is noted that the expertise cult is born and specialists not only meet the identified needs, but also produce new, thus contributing to the development of a culture of narcissism. Article aims to explain the characteristics of expert systems and cultural narcissism, experts role as a participant in social change, model types and kinds of experts with their arcane in to ontological and epistemological structures of the social world. I also highlight the problems associated with the suppression of restrictions in to the access of expertise knowledge.

Polish society gathers features specific to "late modernity" period. In this period grows up the meaning of organizational forms, flow of information, trust to other people and complicated technical systems, uncertainty, taking a risk as well as progressive economic, political and cultural globalization. One of threats and challenges is the process of population ageing. The article attempt to recognition of specific safety problems of old men's in Białystok. Safety is treated as necessary condition for far more researches on practical solutions connected with the professional activity of seniors and growth of their social participation. Assurance of seniors safety can lead to lowering costs of their maintenance as well as the formation of positive attitudes towards old age and cultural openness. The work brings closer connections between safety and social capital topics as well as chosen empirical analyses.

Celem serii czterech badań eksploracyjnych i konfirmacyjnych przeprowadzonych w latach 2009, 2011, 2015 i 2017 była identyfikacja struktury postrzegania elektoratów partii politycznych i opracowanie narzędzia do pomiaru tej struktury. Ustalono, że elektoraty partii politycznych są postrzegane przez pryzmat trzech wymiarów osobowości (Uczciwość, Konfliktowość i Podatność na manipulację), światopoglądu i ideologii (Konserwatyzm, Lewicowość vs. Prawicowość) oraz wymiaru oceniającego (Zacofanie vs. Nowoczesność). W badaniach potwierdzono równoważność konfiguracyjną i metryczną struktury postrzegania elektoratów różnych partii oraz ich wartość w wyjaśnianiu preferencji wyborczych. Opracowany model strukturalny oraz walory psychometryczne kwestionariusza otwierają nowe możliwości systematycznych badań empirycznych uwarunkowań zachowań wyborczych. ; The aim of the paper is to establish the structure of the voter's perception of the electorates of various political parties. We conducted an exploratory and confirmatory study using the data collected from voters in 2009, 2011, 2015 and 2017. The structure involved aspects related to human personality traits (Honesty, Disagreeableness, and Susceptibility to Manipulation), worldview and ideology (Conservatism, Left Wing vs. Right Wing), and evaluation (Backwardness vs. Modernity). The study revealed the configural and metric invariance of the structure of the voter's perception of political party electorates. These aspects explain political preferences at an individual level. This is a contribution to current literature that links the voter's perception of electorates to political preferences by presenting a six-factor model established on a valid and reliable psychometric inventory. The model opens up new opportunities for systematic empirical research that will advance our knowledge of the voter's behavior.

The aim of the paper is to establish the structure of the voter's perception of the electorates of various political parties. We conducted an exploratory and confirmatory study using the data collected from voters in 2009, 2011, 2015 and 2017. The structure involved aspects related to human personality traits (Honesty, Disagreeableness, and Susceptibility to Manipulation), worldview and ideology (Conservatism, Left Wing vs. Right Wing), and evaluation (Backwardness vs. Modernity). The study revealed the configural and metric invariance of the structure of the voter's perception of political party electorates. These aspects explain political preferences at an individual level. This is a contribution to current literature that links the voter's perception of electorates to political preferences by presenting a six-factor model established on a valid and reliable psychometric inventory. The model opens up new opportunities for systematic empirical research that will advance our knowledge of the voter's behavior. ; Celem serii czterech badań eksploracyjnych i konfirmacyjnych przeprowadzonych w latach 2009, 2011, 2015 i 2017 była identyfikacja struktury postrzegania elektoratów partii politycznych i opracowanie narzędzia do pomiaru tej struktury. Ustalono, że elektoraty partii politycznych są postrzegane przez pryzmat trzech wymiarów osobowości (Uczciwość, Konfliktowość i Podatność na manipulację), światopoglądu i ideologii (Konserwatyzm, Lewicowość vs. Prawicowość) oraz wymiaru oceniającego (Zacofanie vs. Nowoczesność). W badaniach potwierdzono równoważność konfiguracyjną i metryczną struktury postrzegania elektoratów różnych partii oraz ich wartość w wyjaśnianiu preferencji wyborczych. Opracowany model strukturalny oraz walory psychometryczne kwestionariusza otwierają nowe możliwości systematycznych badań empirycznych uwarunkowań zachowań wyborczych.

The aim of this article is, based on the situation in Poland (according to the borders of 1945), Czechoslovakia (according to the borders of 1938), Austria-Hungary (within the borders from 1867 to 1918 and their immediate successors), i.e. the 19th century parts of Prussia (later Germany), Russia and Austria, to indicate (using selected examples) the method, circumstances, factors of planning the railway network and similarly the circumstances of their implementation. Therefore, an indirect aim will be also to present the differences and similarities between these countries in order to ultimately show the areas of the relationship between railways and modernity. The 'hopes' accompanying these plans and the 'emotions' absolutely present during implementation are also subject to analysis. All applicants for further railway investments expressed hopes of a 'miraculous' impact of the railways on economic and social life (in that order). However, this impact also varied depending on the time when the investment was made. Certainly, the existence of this phenomenon (and the associated danger of overinvestment) was recognised as early as the seventh and eighth decades of the 19th century, and it was pointed out in the analyses of the projects submitted that they would not provide a return of the sums invested. Nevertheless, such projects were not always abandoned. There was no similar consideration in many cases in interwar Poland. After 1918, Czechoslovakia basically pursued only politically-driven projects (as it had faced earlier overinvestment and invested in modern motorisation) – including those aimed at integrating the two parts of the country. Polish decision-makers (and communities), on the other hand, were still at this time largely pinning their hopes on the beneficial impact of the railways on economic development.