Suchergebnisse

Ukraine, which is currently facing of a cluster of various serious problems, has to revise its strategies of state building. A state without a consolidated society and a clear national idea has no future. Ukrainian sociology and the political forces are in a situation of ongoing conflictization. It is necessary to formulate and explain the genuine content of the category "national idea", which is crucial for Ukrainian society. To classify social conflicts it is necessary to apply an integrative approach, as the methodological foundation for any analytical study of conflicts. In the framework of an integrative approach conflicts are usually regarded not only as a narrative of ruin, a source of death, but also as a certain change that gives the chance to create a new society, as a source of progress. This study analyzes aspects of the conflictization of the national idea in modernity as exemplified by the political studies of the Ukrainian intellectual Ivan Franko.
To formulate the ultimate goal it is important to note that the importance of the creation of the national idea and Ukrainian national self-determination depends on the clarification of favorable conditions and problematic historical aspects of political, juridical, and other societal practices. In order to preserve their territorial integrity Ukrainians should understand the nature of conflictization, which entails not only a divide, but at the same time progress. To unite society it is necessary to orient the people toward some clearly formulated common goal. It turns out that conflictization corroborates the level of conflicts of Ukrainian society. This enforces its movement and progress, because conflictization is in the first place determined by a strong bipolarity of trends and disharmony of thoughts. Therefore, it is important to take into account clearly formulated ideas put forward by various opinion leaders and to disseminate them among the population.

The paper reveals the features of sociological theorizing offered by classical sociology, including M. Weber's concept. The thematic directions that became central to the German scholar's sociology are identified: modernization, rationalization, legitimization, etc.; their genesis is analyzed from the point of view of the philosophical (Baden School of Neo-Kantianism) and sociological (G. Simmel's concept of cultural forms) studios. It is emphasized that rationalization, which was first considered by M. Weber, becomes a cross-cutting theme in sociology up to the end of the twentieth century. Further development of the concept of rationalization takes place within the communicative turn, associated with the name of J. Habermas. The concept of constructing the social, taking into account the meaning that the author puts into his actions, becomes the first attempt of theoretical synthesis in the process of overcoming the methodological crisis in sociological science. M. Weber's sociology offers a departure from the "container approach" in the analysis of society, which was later realized within the world-systemic (A. G. Frank, I. Wallerstein, J. Arrighi, etc.) and synthetic (M. Archer, P. Bourdieu, E. Giddens, P. Sztompka, etc.) concepts. The problematic of a bureaucratization, formulated by M. Weber in the early twentieth century to describe the processes of formation of the modern state, acquires new relevance today in connection with the expansion of the "bureaucratic spirit" to commercial enterprises, built according to the network logic. The tendencies of (self-)management on the part of employees, which are accelerating due to the transition to the remote form of work. The author shows how processes of legitimation, which are necessary for the perception of changes in professional activity, simultaneously contribute to the fragmentation and disintegration of local social spaces.

Article is devoted to the philosophical analysis of actual situation of humanities and the problem of their social role. The political role of humanities lies primarily in promoting the creation of public space. It gives a possibility do develop the human skills which are needed to be an active public agent. The purpose of the article deals with the concretization of public role of humanities which can be presented as different politics. Results. In the article the following politics are presented: politics of ideal (refers to a certain ideal of liberal education which is based on the liberal arts); politics of meaning and sense (it concerns the recognition of meanings, including those that constitute the social and political worlds); politics of sensuality (it connected with performativity as manner to create and comprehend the social and political worlds; also it can be explained as distribution of sensuality in context of J. Ranciere's conception of aesthetics as politics); politics of reconfiguration of discourse (it deals with elaboration of rules of communication on social problems); politics of imagination (the influence on structure of social world with using of imagination and fantasy); politics of responsivity (the comprehension of alien subjectivity), politics of memory (the formation of culture of memory). Originality. The different "politics" of humanities are presented as specific because they are connected with specific of human sciences' cognition. We deals not with objectivity that is directed to the explanation of world as closed system, but we have open system of interpersonal interaction. This interpersonal interaction can structure and configure social and political spheres. Conclusion. The politics of humanities are not separate each other. They are crosscutting, creating horizon ability to influence the public sphere.

Borys Hrinchenko's publicism is the result of his social and political activity. Publicistic genres – essays, feuilletons, critical articles, polemical and debatable articles, and even journalistic notes are the core of journalism. Publicism in any periodical creates the face of this publication, declares its affiliation to a particular ideology, the creation of the ideal of the best-organized society. All these tasks in the publicism of this person are outlined very clearly. Communist ideology treated Borys Hrinchenko as an ideologue of bourgeois nationalism, a "singer of Petliurism", a cultural trader, and the author of the "small business theory". This is an "achievement" of the Soviet methodology. Until 1917, nationalism meant patriotism, not chauvinism. Cosmopolitanism was interpreted as internationalism. Over time, the essence of the terms has changed to the opposite. The history of Hrinchenko's publicism testifies that he defended the national path of Ukraine's development determined by Shevchenko and saw the essence of his life in this path realization. He, with some reservations, leaned towards the ideology of radicalism and created the Ukrainian Radical Party to implement the program of national development and nation-building, and later merged with L. Zhebunov's Democratic Party into the Ukrainian Radical Democratic Party. Among about 20 party pamphlets, several were written by Hrinchenko, and he also compiled (№ 7) a collection of poetic publicism, or more precisely, journalistic poetry, The Red Flower (1905). In 1892, Boris Hrinchenko made the final ideological and cultural-scientific choice. Evidence of this is the controversy between Hrinchenko and Drahomanov about the ways of development of Ukraine and the role of Shevchenko in nation-building (Hrinchenko, 1994). These are letters from the future of Ukraine. They passed through the Ukrainian People's Republic, the Ukrainian SSR, and in 1991 received the name of the state of Ukraine. "Letters from the Dnieper Ukraine", "Galician Poems", "On the ...

This paper analyzes contemporary approaches to the definition of revolution taking into account the changes suffered by the theory of revolution under the impact of new social realities that appeared in the late XX – early XXI centuries, namely: the decline of large-scale revolutions as a means of social change and the emergence of new – lighter, shorter and more diverse forms of revolutionary action, in particular, the so-called "velvet" revolutions, woven into the context of "transition" as a more enduring social transformation. Key words: revolution, social revolution, political revolution, "classical revolution", "small (velvet) revolution". ; Проаналізовано сучасні підходи до визначення революції з урахуванням тих змін, котрих зазнала теорія революції під впливом нових суспільних реалій кінця ХХ – початку ХХІ ст.: відходу з історичної сцени масштабних революцій у вигляді способу суспільних змін і появи нових – легших, коротших і різноманітніших форм революційної дії, зокрема «оксамитових» революцій, уплетених у контекст «переходу» як тривалішої суспільної трансформації. Ключові слова: революція, соціальна революція, політична революція, «класична революція» «мала (оксамитова) революція».

The article analyzes the development trends of modern society associated with globalization, informatization, transformation of the existing socio-cultural models that can be considered catalysts of existential escapism. Moreover, the study showed that changing the existing paradigms of social systems development leads to difficulties of adaptation and identification, where the intensification of social changes naturally disrupts the mechanisms of human inclusion in social communities, and the frequency of changing information systems and increasing the amount of information itself leads to difficulties in its assimilation and the need to develop new mechanisms for the perception, archiving and updating of information databases. As a result, requiring connection to the most diverse meanings and value systems, the orientation in social practices to change the way of life and way of life requires special social mobility and sociocultural adaptability from a person. This situation leads to a shift in a person's ideas about himself and the world around him, as a result, it creates a sense of social and informational frustration, which leads to a person's escape from the existing reality and his orientation to strategies of existential escapism. This fact testifies to the relevance of the study of escapism, a sociocultural phenomenon characterizing the development of modern society. The article gives an understanding of the characteristics of the spread of escapism and the fact that escapism acts as a life strategy that emerges in people as a result of rethinking common values and norms and leads to a departure from social reality into sociocultural spaces constructed by people or media channels; analyzes the approaches to the definition of escapism, the causes and consequences of the spread of escapism, reveals the features of the manifestation of escapism in the virtual space. Moreover, escapism in the virtual space is considered as a means of self-identification and the life strategy of people in a modern dynamic society. We have shown studied the features of the spread of escapism in the modern virtualized society of the postmodern era. This phenomenon is considered as a mechanism of adaptation to the post-modern society. It has been studied in connection with mass culture and the phenomena of individualization and informatization. The paper identifies the main consequences of escapism, including the increase in the number of single people, political and social apathy. To sum up, the article concludes that the two types of virtual escapism. Productive escapism contributes to the social self-realization of man and his cultural development, allows you to transfer social practices from the virtual space into reality. With destructive escapism, on the contrary, social practices move into virtual reality, allowing a person to realize himself in a virtual environment. ; Стаття присвячена розгляду ескапізму як соціокультурного явища. Проаналізовано тенденції розвитку сучасного суспільства, пов'язані з глобалізацією, інформатизацією, трансформацією існуючих соціокультурних моделей, які можна вважати каталізаторами виникнення та безпосередніми причинами поширення ескапізму, який проникає в усі сфери життя індивіда, впливаючи на світогляд, цінності та стиль життя людини. У суспільстві віртуалізації реальності, медіатизації, індивідуалізації ескапізм стає масовим явищем, яке виражається в створенні «іншого світу», іншої реальності, відмінної від соціальної дійсності, можливості людини «втекти» від реальної буденності.

The article analyzes the development trends of modern society associated with globalization, informatization, transformation of the existing socio-cultural models that can be considered catalysts of existential escapism. Moreover, the study showed that changing the existing paradigms of social systems development leads to difficulties of adaptation and identification, where the intensification of social changes naturally disrupts the mechanisms of human inclusion in social communities, and the frequency of changing information systems and increasing the amount of information itself leads to difficulties in its assimilation and the need to develop new mechanisms for the perception, archiving and updating of information databases. As a result, requiring connection to the most diverse meanings and value systems, the orientation in social practices to change the way of life and way of life requires special social mobility and sociocultural adaptability from a person. This situation leads to a shift in a person's ideas about himself and the world around him, as a result, it creates a sense of social and informational frustration, which leads to a person's escape from the existing reality and his orientation to strategies of existential escapism. This fact testifies to the relevance of the study of escapism, a sociocultural phenomenon characterizing the development of modern society. The article gives an understanding of the characteristics of the spread of escapism and the fact that escapism acts as a life strategy that emerges in people as a result of rethinking common values and norms and leads to a departure from social reality into sociocultural spaces constructed by people or media channels; analyzes the approaches to the definition of escapism, the causes and consequences of the spread of escapism, reveals the features of the manifestation of escapism in the virtual space. Moreover, escapism in the virtual space is considered as a means of self-identification and the life strategy of people in a modern dynamic society. We have shown studied the features of the spread of escapism in the modern virtualized society of the postmodern era. This phenomenon is considered as a mechanism of adaptation to the post-modern society. It has been studied in connection with mass culture and the phenomena of individualization and informatization. The paper identifies the main consequences of escapism, including the increase in the number of single people, political and social apathy. To sum up, the article concludes that the two types of virtual escapism. Productive escapism contributes to the social self-realization of man and his cultural development, allows you to transfer social practices from the virtual space into reality. With destructive escapism, on the contrary, social practices move into virtual reality, allowing a person to realize himself in a virtual environment. ; Стаття присвячена розгляду ескапізму як соціокультурного явища. Проаналізовано тенденції розвитку сучасного суспільства, пов'язані з глобалізацією, інформатизацією, трансформацією існуючих соціокультурних моделей, які можна вважати каталізаторами виникнення та безпосередніми причинами поширення ескапізму, який проникає в усі сфери життя індивіда, впливаючи на світогляд, цінності та стиль життя людини. У суспільстві віртуалізації реальності, медіатизації, індивідуалізації ескапізм стає масовим явищем, яке виражається в створенні «іншого світу», іншої реальності, відмінної від соціальної дійсності, можливості людини «втекти» від реальної буденності.

Despite the relative sustainability, the concepts of justice are consistent with the principle of development and therefore they evolve together with social being and social consciousness. The era of globalization, information society and consumerism objectively and regularly make a tangible contribution to the revision of content-axiological priorities of justice. At the heart of any fairness concept or paradigm is symmetry between the actual and proper – as the actual deviates from the proper, so it is unfair and is subject to correction. When at the level of mass consciousness we see the sense of necessity, justice is reflected in the mass consciousness in the form of expectations. Social expectations define the specific historical symmetry between what is proper and valid towards the rights to freedom and equality. Justice reflects the actual status of compliance with anticipated ideas about freedom and equality of opportunities. The debates on justice are still open. Currently they are focused not only on the issue of justice itself, but also on discussing a range of related topics – political legitimacy, collective and individual responsibility, functional boundaries of state, identity problems etc. The boundaries between these paradigms frequently disappear. Therefore, we are observing attempts to build an integrative theory of justice. The conceptual basis of the theory of justice is becoming increasingly detailed, acquiring incremental properties. The concept of justice gains meaningful significance: axiological, legal, ethical and political. In addition, today the concept of justice may not be considered in essence without analyzing globalization processes. The categorial network of the theory of justice features the emergence of new meaningful centres, which are essential to solve the problem of justice as a vital factor of common human reality.Keywords: the principle of development, theoretical framework of justice, conceptual approaches, content-axiological priorities of justice, social megatrends of our time. ; Попри відносну усталеність, уявлення про справедливість цілком підпадають під дію принципу розвитку, а значить еволюціонують разом із суспільним буттям і суспільною свідомістю. Епоха глобалізму, інформаційного суспільства і консьюмеризму об'єктивно й закономірно робить свій вагомий внесок у перегляд змістовно-аксіологічних пріоритетів справедливості.Ключові слова: принцип розвитку, теоретичний фундамент справедливості, концептуальні підходи, змістовно-аксіологічні пріоритети справедливості, суспільні мегатенденції сучасності. Несмотря на относительную устойчивость, представление о справедливости вполне подпадают под действие принципа развития, а значит эволюционируют вместе с общественным бытием и общественным сознанием. Эпоха глобализма, информационного общества и консьюмеризма объективно и закономерно делает свой весомый вклад в пересмотр содержательно-аксиологических приоритетов справедливости.Ключевые слова: принцип развития, теоретический фундамент справедливости, концептуальные подходы, содержательно-аксиологические приоритеты справедливости, общественные мегатенденции современности. Despite the relative sustainability, the concepts of justice are consistent with the principle of development and therefore they evolve together with social being and social consciousness. The era of globalization, information society and consumerism objectively and regularly make a tangible contribution to the revision of content-axiological priorities of justice. At the heart of any fairness concept or paradigm is symmetry between the actual and proper – as the actual deviates from the proper, so it is unfair and is subject to correction. When at the level of mass consciousness we see the sense of necessity, justice is reflected in the mass consciousness in the form of expectations. Social expectations define the specific historical symmetry between what is proper and valid towards the rights to freedom and equality. Justice reflects the actual status of compliance with anticipated ideas about freedom and equality of opportunities. The debates on justice are still open. Currently they are focused not only on the issue of justice itself, but also on discussing a range of related topics – political legitimacy, collective and individual responsibility, functional boundaries of state, identity problems etc. The boundaries between these paradigms frequently disappear. Therefore, we are observing attempts to build an integrative theory of justice. The conceptual basis of the theory of justice is becoming increasingly detailed, acquiring incremental properties. The concept of justice gains meaningful significance: axiological, legal, ethical and political. In addition, today the concept of justice may not be considered in essence without analyzing globalization processes. The categorial network of the theory of justice features the emergence of new meaningful centres, which are essential to solve the problem of justice as a vital factor of common human reality.Keywords: the principle of development, theoretical framework of justice, conceptual approaches, content-axiological priorities of justice, social megatrends of our time.

Digital politics is discovered in the research as a new phenomenon of political process realization. This phenomenon has been changing the principles of political actors and institutions. It is defined, that the digital politics emergence is the immanent attribute of the digital discourse of globalization. Thus, the political actors competing for power, in order to implement and influence the power must perform the political interactions in digital environment, which is constantly transforming. It is considered that the discourse of modernity is a digital field, which predetermines a procedure of forming digital political subjects, methods of exploiting of digital infrastructure and mechanisms of integration of fragmented communities. As a result, the digital field defines a state's digital politics. It is stated, that the digital politics is a process of shaping political discourse within changing digital infrastructure, which is constantly modified within network reality of modern politics and society. And the digital field influences this process. A new type of political actor is defined – a digital political subject, who may implement the politics only with mobilization of influential users' networks, which are existing in the digital space, into his/her sphere. It is defined, that the networks are the main resource of the digital political subjects, and the networks' integration is the key condition of effective politics performing in the reality of global digitalization. The digital political subjects compete for fragmented communities' attention, and the communities' participation is defined with a personal interest, while political ideology (or affiliation) is less important. In these processes, traditional political actors have been losing their influence, and the political process is constructed with political projects. For these projects, a rapid fragmented networks are needed, which are united with weak connections. The key characteristics of the digital political actor are discovered: methods of digital infrastructure exploiting, methods of interactions with the fragmented networked communities of users, and political space structuring. It is defined, that the digital political actors have to improve their digital instruments for large-scale networks mobilization within digital political practices. ; Здійснено комплексне дослідження цифрової політики як нового типу реалізації політичного процесу, що змінює засади функціонування політичних акторів та політичних інститутів. Визначено, що виникнення цифрової політики є іманентною властивістю дискурсу глобальної цифровізації. Відповідно до цього політичні актори для боротьба за владу, застосування влади та впливу на владу вимушені здійснювати політичні інтеракції у цифровому середовищі, що постійно модифікується. Встановлено, що дискурс сучасності є цифровим полем, що зумовлює процедуру формування цифрових політичних суб'єктів, а також – способи використання цифрової інфраструктури та механізми інтеграції фрагментованих спільнот і в кінцевому результаті визначає цифрову політику певної держави. Визначено, що цифрова політика є процесом упорядкування політичного дискурсу у межах цифрової інфраструктури, що під впливом цифрового поля безперервно модифікується за рахунок мережевої природи політики й суспільства. Обґрунтовано новий тип політичного актора – цифрового політичного суб'єкта, що може здійснювати політику лише за умови мобілізації наявних у цифровому просторі мереж користувачів до своєї сфери впливу. Визначено, що мережі є основним політичним ресурсом цифрових політичних суб'єктів, а інтеграція мереж є ключовою умовою здійснення ефективної політики в умовах глобальної цифровізації. Цифрові політичні суб'єкти конкурують за увагу фрагментованих спільнот, політичну участь яких визначає персональний інтерес, а не політична ідеологія чи партійна приналежність. У цих процесах класичні політичні актори поступово втрачають свій вплив, а сам політичний процес конструюється із низки політичних проєктів, що передбачають миттєву інтеграцію фрагментованих мереж, поєднаних слабкими зв'язками. Встановлено основні характеристики цифрового політичного суб'єкта – способи використання цифрової інфраструктури, способи взаємодії із фрагментованими мережевими спільнотами користувачів, а також способи освоєння цифрового простору. Визначено, що цифрові політичні суб'єкти вимушені постійно удосконалювати свій інструментарій для інтеграції та мобілізації усе більш масштабних спільнот у межах цифрових політичних практик.

The article for the first time raises the problem of foreign languages reception and borrowings in the historical-comparative and diachronic-synchronous context. The object of the research is educational and scientific sphere (Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine) on the use of foreign languages and borrowings. The functioning of the Church Slavonic and Latin languages as the most widespread in Ukrainian space in the late Middle Ages and Pre-Modern times is analyzed with a projection on the current dominance of English language and anglicisms in the educational and scientific field. To reflect the processes of excessive and unmotivated use of anglicisms, the term Anglo-Barbarization was introduced as a linguistic-social and linguistic-psychological pathological phenomenon that arises at the turn of historical events and signals the absence of mental resistance of the people-language to the unprecedented flow of borrowing which become a de facto replacement of their language and create from it an anti-cultural flow of subordinate communication; it is a primitive denial of the law of balance of foreign and specific words in phonetic, word-forming and grammatical adaptation and ethnocultural inability to call one's own concepts as specific words. According to historical retrospect, the focus on foreign languages as a priority in educational and scientific spheres — Church Slavonic, Latin, Greek, Polish — and mass borrowings from them did not help Ukrainian national self-awareness and did not lead to the restoration of the lost Ukrainian state within its ethnographic boundaries. On the contrary, the excessive circulation of foreign languages in the cultural and political space of Ukraine and their priority in the field of education and science has led to more than a couple of centuries of backwardness of Ukrainian state-building processes compared to the nearest and farthest neighbors. Orientation to others alienated Ukrainians from themselves. Historical experience of foreign languages circulation in ...

T he article contains an analysis of the major lessons of Immanuel Kant's philosophical project of perpetual peace in the context of development of contemporary political systems and international order. The author reviews the history of philosophical and legal accounts of perpetual peace, as well as the political context of Kant's project. The third part of the article offers a detailed analysis of Kant's proposals with regard to the institutional construction of constitutional republics and of a global federation of peoples. The author concludes that from the perspective of the 'second Modernity,' the experience of early Modern philosophers might assist in resuming a more active dialogue between philosophers and political leaders, as well as inviting contemporary philosophers to take a leadership role in the institutional construction of preconditions for civil peace and the prevention of wars in Eastern Europe.Keywords: Enlightenment, peace, Modernity, second modernity, Kant, progress, contemporaneity, de-modernization, Ukraine, post-Soviet society ; У статті розглянуто основні уроки кантівського філософського про-єкту вічного миру в контексті становлення Модерну з його полі-тичними системами і міжнародним ладом. Автор аналізує історію філософських і політико-правових позицій у розвитку ідеї вічного миру, а також історико-політичний контекст Кантового проєкту. У третій ча-стині статті подано аналіз пропозицій Канта щодо інстуціонального об-лаштування вічного миру, розвитку конституційних республік і світової федерації народів. Автор висновує, що в ситуації «другого Модерну» дос-від ранньомодерних філoсофських пошуків спонукає сучасних філософів до активного діялогу з державними діячами, а також до лідерства в інсти-туціональній розбудові передумов громадського миру і попередження воєн у східно-европейському реґіоні.Ключові слова: Просвітництво, мир, модерн, другий модерн, модерність, Кант, прогрес, сучасність, знесучаснення, демодернізація, Україна, постра-дянські суспільства

Статтю присвячено актуальним аспектам зовнішньополітичної діяльності України в період 2015-2017 рр. Виділено базові складові євроінтеграційного процесу через призму виконання Угоди про асоціацію з ЄС, сучасний стан співпраці з НАТО, а також зі США. ; The article is devoted to the actual aspects of Ukraine's foreign policy during the period of 2015-2017. The basic components of the European integration process through the prism of the implementation of the Association Agreement with the EU, the current state of cooperation with NATO, as well as with the United States have been identified.

Статтю присвячено актуальним аспектам зовнішньополітичної діяльності України в період 2015-2017 рр. Виділено базові складові євроінтеграційного процесу через призму виконання Угоди про асоціацію з ЄС, сучасний стан співпраці з НАТО, а також зі США. ; The article is devoted to the actual aspects of Ukraine's foreign policy during the period of 2015-2017. The basic components of the European integration process through the prism of the implementation of the Association Agreement with the EU, the current state of cooperation with NATO, as well as with the United States have been identified.

In the author's opinion Соrnelius Castoriadis and Vіncent Desсombes propose two different concepts of political modernity. Castoriadis and Desсombes are made related in political philosophy by their insensitiveness to temptations of decisionism as well as to temptations of individualist's rationalism, i.e. to the position-of-strength policy and to position-of-morals policy. For Castoriadis the Greek democracy is a "tragic regime" which personifies true policy. Castoriadis comprehends policy as deliberate collective activities which appear since the time when the question of law efficiency and value was raised. This precisely personifies "true policy" for him, the policy which is both creative and selfrestricted; that is why it is tragic. For Descombes policy is the "architectonic art", that is practice which defines true place for other practices, proceeding from their significance and their function as a whole. At the same time policy is thus something restricted, that is relative. ; ***

Borys Hrinchenko's publicism is the result of his social and political activity. Publicistic genres – essays, feuilletons, critical articles, polemical and debatable articles, and even journalistic notes are the core of journalism. Publicism in any periodical creates the face of this publication, declares its affiliation to a particular ideology, the creation of the ideal of the best-organized society. All these tasks in the publicism of this person are outlined very clearly. Communist ideology treated Borys Hrinchenko as an ideologue of bourgeois nationalism, a "singer of Petliurism", a cultural trader, and the author of the "small business theory". This is an "achievement" of the Soviet methodology. Until 1917, nationalism meant patriotism, not chauvinism. Cosmopolitanism was interpreted as internationalism. Over time, the essence of the terms has changed to the opposite. The history of Hrinchenko's publicism testifies that he defended the national path of Ukraine's development determined by Shevchenko and saw the essence of his life in this path realization. He, with some reservations, leaned towards the ideology of radicalism and created the Ukrainian Radical Party to implement the program of national development and nation-building, and later merged with L. Zhebunov's Democratic Party into the Ukrainian Radical Democratic Party. Among about 20 party pamphlets, several were written by Hrinchenko, and he also compiled (№ 7) a collection of poetic publicism, or more precisely, journalistic poetry, The Red Flower (1905). In 1892, Boris Hrinchenko made the final ideological and cultural-scientific choice. Evidence of this is the controversy between Hrinchenko and Drahomanov about the ways of development of Ukraine and the role of Shevchenko in nation-building (Hrinchenko, 1994). These are letters from the future of Ukraine. They passed through the Ukrainian People's Republic, the Ukrainian SSR, and in 1991 received the name of the state of Ukraine. "Letters from the Dnieper Ukraine", "Galician Poems", "On the path of ignorance", "Why?", "The hard way", "It was, is, will be", "New family", "People in captivity" – these classics of Ukrainian publicism of unforgettable significance. These works should be studied by historians, philologists, political scientists, journalists, who should learn the history of journalism not as a history of periodicals but as a history of Ukrainian socio-political thought reflected in the pages of numerous publications in which he participated. ; Публіцистика Бориса Грінченка – це підсумок його громадсько-політичної діяльності. Публіцистичні жанри – нариси, фейлетони, критичні статті, полемічні і дискусійні статті і навіть публіцистичні замітки – серцевина журналістики. Публіцистика у будь-якому періодичному виданні творить обличчя цього видання, декларує приналежність його до тієї чи іншої ідеології, творення ідеалу найкращим чином організованого суспільства. Всі ці завдання у публіцистиці цієї особистості окреслені гранично чітко. Комуністична ідеологія трактувала Бориса Грінченка як ідеолога буржуазного націоналізму, «співця петлюрівщини», культуртрегера, автора «теорії малих діл». Це «здобуток» радянської методології. До 1917 року націоналізм означав патріотизм, а не шовінізм. Космополітизм трактувався як інтернаціоналізм. З часом суть термінів змінилася до протилежної. Історія Грінченкової публіцистики засвідчує, що він відстоював визначений Шевченком національний шлях розвитку України і в реалізації цього шляху бачив суть свого життя. Він, з певними застереженнями, схилявся до ідеології радикалізму і для реалізації програми національного розвитку і побудови національної держави створив Українську радикальну партію, згодом об'єднався із Демократичною партією Л. Жебуньова в Українську радикально-демократичну партію. Серед близько 20 партійних брошур кілька були написані самим Грінченком, а ще ним укладено (№ 7) збірник поетичної публіцистики, точніше – публіцистичної поезії, – «Червона квітка» (1905). У 1892 році Борис Грінченко зробив остаточний ідеологічний і культурно-науковий вибір. Свідченням цьому є полеміка Грінченка із Драгомановим про шляхи розвитку України і роль Шевченка в націєтворенні (Грінченко, 1994). Це листи з майбутньої України. Пройшли через УНР, УРСР, щоб у 1991 році одержати назву держава Україна. «Листи з України Наддніпрянської», «Галицькі вірші», «На беспросветном пути», «Зачем?», «Тяжким шляхом», «Було, є, буде», «Нова сем'я», «Нарід в неволі» – це классика української публіцистики незабутнього значення. Ці твори мають освоювати студенти історики, філологи, політологи, журналісти, які історію журналістики мають вивчати не як історію періодичних видань, а як історію української суспільно-політичної думки, відображеної на сторінках численних видань, в яких він брав участь.