L'exception syrienne. Entre modernization et resistance
In: Politique étrangère: PE ; revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales, Heft 1, S. 235-236
ISSN: 0032-342X
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In: Politique étrangère: PE ; revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales, Heft 1, S. 235-236
ISSN: 0032-342X
In: Revue française de science politique, Band 60, Heft 1, S. 158-163
ISSN: 0035-2950
Italian fascism (1922-1945) is without any doubt one of the eras of history with a vast bibliography. However, Jean-Yves Dormagen presents a new angle of study of fascism by taking it at its word. Fascism has been identified by the theory of "circulation of elites" established by Vilfredo Pareto. Adapted from the source document.
In: Archives de sciences sociales des religions: ASSR, Band 107, Heft 1, S. 77-108
ISSN: 1777-5825
¿ Pueden las organizaciones religiosas tradicionales adaptarse con éxito a la modernización social ? ¿ Son compatibles la organización eclesiastica de las Iglesias cristianas y la modernización ? El entendimiento de la modernidad y de la secularización se encuentra en parte en las respuestas a estas preguntas. En este sentido, el análisis de la situación religiosa en Italia es interesante. El autor propone un esquema comparativo entre la situación religiosa del norte del país (mas desarrollado) y del sur (menos desarrollado), y muestra que la situación presente parece más como el resultado de una estrategia de modernización religiosa que como una herencia de una situación premoderna. Si bien no es posible imaginar una modernización sin secularización, sin embargo es necesario de no considerar la relación entre secularización y crisis de la religión como directa y unívoca.
In: Transitions, Band 42, Heft 1, S. 107-122
ISSN: 0779-3812
L'actualité médiatique de ces derniers mois a relaté plusieurs cas de désordres survenus dans nos prisons : actes de violence, grève du personnel, évasions, suicides, mutineries, etc. Derrière ces indicateurs de crise, on peut également déceler les traces, de plus en plus nombreuses, d'un vaste chantier de modernisation dans lequel l'administration pénitentiaire s'est engagée, comme l'indiquent le plan de management initié par le directeur général, la reconfiguration de la profession de directeur ou encore l'introduction de notions managériales dans les discours de ces derniers. Les expériences anglaises et néerlandaises offrent une perspective décentrée pour saisir les opportunités de changement que permettent (ou non) les crises et le Nouveau Management Public. Nous proposons ici de nous inspirer de ces expériences pour en extraire quelques pistes de réflexion à propos de notre administration pénitentiaire. ; Peer reviewed
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In the scope of the Islamic world a change in the women is being developed and -in this context- Morocco is one of the vanguard countries. For the consummation of the process the protagonist of women is essential, as excellent actor in the public institutions, and getting into political participation and associationism. This is a determining change that will have to be promoted and culminated by the own women, so and as one has occurred previously in the pioneering countries in the western society. In order to calibrate the effects - and at the same time causes of so important process-, we have verified the perception of themselves and its society of the own Moroccan women resorting to the perspective of the values. So we are operating the results of the World Values Survey (WVS) in Morocco (data of 2001, 2007 and 2011) to obtain therefore a longitudinal vision that facilitates the analysis of the recent change of incorporation process in the women, and their political participation. Also, we are completing this information with the testimonies obtained in parallel qualitative investigations, redacted for the Spanish Agency of International Cooperation (AECID) in biennium 2007-2008. ; En el mundo islámico, un cambio social en las mujeres se está gestando. Es esencial para el surgimiento de la mujer como actor importante en las instituciones públicas y asociaciones políticas. Un cambio decisivo debe ser promovido y llevado por las mujeres mismas. Para evaluar los efectos de un proceso tan importante, hemos considerado la percepción que las mujeres marroquíes tienen ellas mismas de su sociedad por medio de la perspectiva de los valores. Así que usamos los resultados de la Encuesta Mundial de Valores (EMV) en Marruecos (datos de 2001, 2007 y 2011) para una vista longitudinal con el fin de proporcionar un análisis de los cambios recientes. También se contrasta la información obtenida en el testimonio de la investigación cualitativa que hemos realizó para la Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo (AECID) en el bienio 2007-2008. ; Dans le monde islamique, un changement social chez les femmes se prépare. Il est essentiel à l'émergence des femmes comme acteur majeur dans les institutions publiques, politiques et associatives. Un changement décisif doit être promu et porté par les femmes elles-mêmes. Pour évaluer les effets d'un processus si important, nous avons considéré la perception que les femmes marocaines ont elles-mêmes de leur société en utilisant le point de vue des valeurs. Nous avons donc exploité les résultats de l'Enquête Mondiale des Valeurs (EMV) au Maroc (données de 2001, 2007 et 2011) pour obtenir une vue longitudinale afin de fournir une analyse des changements récents. Nous avons également opposé les informations obtenues dans les témoignages de la recherche qualitative que nous avons menée pour l'Agence Espagnole pour la Coopération Internationale au Développement (AECID) sur l'exercice biennal 2007-2008.
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In: Afrique contemporaine: la revue de l'Afrique et du développement, Band 263-264, Heft 3, S. 410-413
ISSN: 1782-138X
In: Recherches féministes, Band 20, Heft 1, S. 129-150
ISSN: 0838-4479
In: 31. SSHS Annual meeting, Minneapolis, USA, 2006-11-02-2006-11-05
Nous avons recueilli les archives de différentes enquêtes ethnographiques ou sociologiques passées, concernant toutes la même zone géographique, les arrondissements du Châtillonnais et de Montbard (Bourgogne) : archives de la Recherche Coopérative sur Programme (RCP) Châtillonnais (1966-1970, impliquant le Musée des Arts et Traditions Populaires, le Laboratoire d'Anthropologie Sociale de Claude Lévi-Strauss au Collège de France, le Centre de Recherches Historiques de François Furet à l'EHESS, et le département Economie et Sociologie Rurales de l'INRA) ; archives de Minot (1968-1975, entreprise collective majeure du structuralisme en France) ; archives de Montbard (enquête d'ethnographie sociologique de Florence Weber sur le monde ouvrier dans une petite ville industrielle). Les postures théoriques et héritages intellectuels différenciés ont induits différentes manières de questionner une même zone et d'y faire enquête. Avant d'engager une revisite collective en partant de ces fonds, nous proposons ici une description des postures scientifiques qui ont guidé les enquêtes RCP et Minot, description qui conduit à esquisser une histoire des regards portés par l'anthropologie et la sociologie françaises des années 60-70 sur les mondes ruraux. Regards " traditionalistes " : quand les chercheurs du Musée des Arts et Traditions Populaires cherchaient à recueillir les traces des cultures populaires passées, les ethnologues structuralistes appliquaient les méthodes de l'anthropologie exotique sans réellement tenir compte des évolutions socio-historiques de la période. A l'inverse, à un moment où les politiques publiques visaient à transformer les paysans en entrepreneurs agricoles, une sociologie rurale en pleine apogée cherchait à rendre compte à large échelle de la modernisation de l'agriculture. En contre-pied de cette sociologie rurale modernisatrice, les sociologues critiques ont analysé la crise de la reproduction paysanne en donnant à voir des mondes ruraux dominés, inadaptés et sans avenir.
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This thesis examines the relationship between political power and police in Chile. The post-authoritarian context in this country is still governed by the rules inherited from the dictatorship, attributing to the police a political role and an increasing independence from the civil authorities. We analyze the relationship between government officials and police sectoral elites to define the issue of police effectiveness. Through this case study, we seek to put into tension the theses of insularity and instrumentality, commonly used to characterize the relationship between them.The democratic governments were faced with two challenges as soon as they came to power in 1990: the challenge of controlling the reactivation of political violence linked to the transition from one regime to another, and the modernization of the Carabinieri under the growing influence of the recommendations of the New Public Management (NPM). On one hand, we are interested in the relationship between government officials and the Carabineros as they confronted the growing activity of left-wing groups that decided to prolong the armed struggle. The civil authorities will divert the rules of the dictatorship to neutralize the growing threats of the chilean Army and the political, proposing to implement measures that could erode the rule of law in the face of terrorism.On the other hand, we analyze the relations between government officials and police sectoral elites to undertake the process of modernization of the Carabineros. We propose the concept of negotiated autonomy to characterize them. This concept allows the to question by the NPM to improve public sector management, which consists in separating the strategic role reserved for the political sphere from the operational one, allowing the administrations to implement orientations coming from the ministerial officials. We propose to emphasize the interdependence of the actors involved in public action, as highlighted by actor-centered institutionalism.To conclude, we note that this ...
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This thesis examines the relationship between political power and police in Chile. The post-authoritarian context in this country is still governed by the rules inherited from the dictatorship, attributing to the police a political role and an increasing independence from the civil authorities. We analyze the relationship between government officials and police sectoral elites to define the issue of police effectiveness. Through this case study, we seek to put into tension the theses of insularity and instrumentality, commonly used to characterize the relationship between them.The democratic governments were faced with two challenges as soon as they came to power in 1990: the challenge of controlling the reactivation of political violence linked to the transition from one regime to another, and the modernization of the Carabinieri under the growing influence of the recommendations of the New Public Management (NPM). On one hand, we are interested in the relationship between government officials and the Carabineros as they confronted the growing activity of left-wing groups that decided to prolong the armed struggle. The civil authorities will divert the rules of the dictatorship to neutralize the growing threats of the chilean Army and the political, proposing to implement measures that could erode the rule of law in the face of terrorism.On the other hand, we analyze the relations between government officials and police sectoral elites to undertake the process of modernization of the Carabineros. We propose the concept of negotiated autonomy to characterize them. This concept allows the to question by the NPM to improve public sector management, which consists in separating the strategic role reserved for the political sphere from the operational one, allowing the administrations to implement orientations coming from the ministerial officials. We propose to emphasize the interdependence of the actors involved in public action, as highlighted by actor-centered institutionalism.To conclude, we note that this ...
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This thesis examines the relationship between political power and police in Chile. The post-authoritarian context in this country is still governed by the rules inherited from the dictatorship, attributing to the police a political role and an increasing independence from the civil authorities. We analyze the relationship between government officials and police sectoral elites to define the issue of police effectiveness. Through this case study, we seek to put into tension the theses of insularity and instrumentality, commonly used to characterize the relationship between them.The democratic governments were faced with two challenges as soon as they came to power in 1990: the challenge of controlling the reactivation of political violence linked to the transition from one regime to another, and the modernization of the Carabinieri under the growing influence of the recommendations of the New Public Management (NPM). On one hand, we are interested in the relationship between government officials and the Carabineros as they confronted the growing activity of left-wing groups that decided to prolong the armed struggle. The civil authorities will divert the rules of the dictatorship to neutralize the growing threats of the chilean Army and the political, proposing to implement measures that could erode the rule of law in the face of terrorism.On the other hand, we analyze the relations between government officials and police sectoral elites to undertake the process of modernization of the Carabineros. We propose the concept of negotiated autonomy to characterize them. This concept allows the to question by the NPM to improve public sector management, which consists in separating the strategic role reserved for the political sphere from the operational one, allowing the administrations to implement orientations coming from the ministerial officials. We propose to emphasize the interdependence of the actors involved in public action, as highlighted by actor-centered institutionalism.To conclude, we note that this ...
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Following its independence, Morocco began its modernization by adopting a series of codes and laws. A notorious text was the 1958' Moroccan "Moudawana". Seen as a legislative revolution, this code ended up being a social failure. Social change and the dawn of a new liberated form of free speech in Morocco in the 1980s gave rise to socio- economic demands, notably the rights of women and the recognition of their role within the family. Despite the efforts of the legislators, the reform did not have the desired effects.It was not until 2004 that Morocco once again made a new enhanced family law and a family Code. These new arrangements, believed to be a real step forward, were quickly deemed insufficient once again. It is for that end that the legal actors in Morocco are deploying their earnest efforts with a single goal in mind : To give Morocco a new family law, a family law that respects the fundamental rights that the country has always been devoted to protect, along with its religious frame of reference, which is part of the Moroccan identity. ; A la suite de son indépendance, le Maroc a entamé sa modernisation juridique en adoptant une série de codes et de lois. L'un de ces textes fut le code de statut personnel, la Moudawana de 1958. Perçu comme une révolution législative, ce code s'avéra être un échec sur le plan social. L'évolution sociale et la libéralisation de la parole dans le Maroc des années 1980 ont donné lieu à des revendications socio-économiques, englobant notamment le droit de la femme et la reconnaissance de son rôle au sein de la famille. Malgré les efforts du législateur, la réforme n'a pas eu les effets escomptés.Il faut attendre 2004, pour que le Maroc se dote à nouveau d'un nouveau droit de la famille et d'un Code de la famille. Ces nouvelles dispositions, perçues comme un vrai pas en avant, furent rapidement insuffisantes. C'est dans ce but que les acteurs du droit au Maroc essaient de travailler aujourd'hui dans un seul but : donner au Maroc un nouveau droit de la famille, respectueux ...
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Following its independence, Morocco began its modernization by adopting a series of codes and laws. A notorious text was the 1958' Moroccan "Moudawana". Seen as a legislative revolution, this code ended up being a social failure. Social change and the dawn of a new liberated form of free speech in Morocco in the 1980s gave rise to socio- economic demands, notably the rights of women and the recognition of their role within the family. Despite the efforts of the legislators, the reform did not have the desired effects.It was not until 2004 that Morocco once again made a new enhanced family law and a family Code. These new arrangements, believed to be a real step forward, were quickly deemed insufficient once again. It is for that end that the legal actors in Morocco are deploying their earnest efforts with a single goal in mind : To give Morocco a new family law, a family law that respects the fundamental rights that the country has always been devoted to protect, along with its religious frame of reference, which is part of the Moroccan identity. ; A la suite de son indépendance, le Maroc a entamé sa modernisation juridique en adoptant une série de codes et de lois. L'un de ces textes fut le code de statut personnel, la Moudawana de 1958. Perçu comme une révolution législative, ce code s'avéra être un échec sur le plan social. L'évolution sociale et la libéralisation de la parole dans le Maroc des années 1980 ont donné lieu à des revendications socio-économiques, englobant notamment le droit de la femme et la reconnaissance de son rôle au sein de la famille. Malgré les efforts du législateur, la réforme n'a pas eu les effets escomptés.Il faut attendre 2004, pour que le Maroc se dote à nouveau d'un nouveau droit de la famille et d'un Code de la famille. Ces nouvelles dispositions, perçues comme un vrai pas en avant, furent rapidement insuffisantes. C'est dans ce but que les acteurs du droit au Maroc essaient de travailler aujourd'hui dans un seul but : donner au Maroc un nouveau droit de la famille, respectueux ...
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In: Études internationales, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 402
ISSN: 1703-7891