Suchergebnisse

Josip Zupanov's thesis about the egalitarian syndrome as an obstacle to development is very influential across the social sciences in Croatia. This paper analyses the theoretical and empirical basis of Zupanov's work on radical egalitarianism from the late 1960s. He developed the theory in three key publications 'The producer and risk' (1967), 'Economic aspirations and the social norm of egalitarianism', which he published with Darinka Tadic (1969), and finally 'Egalitarianism and industrialism' (1969), repeating it in his later work. The analysis reveals important weaknesses in the empirical foundations and theoretical inferences of Zupanov's thesis of radical egalitarianism. Secondly, contextualising his work into the late 1960s re-examines the widely held view about his work as critical of the regime, showing that his theses about the homo oeconomicus were part of a liberal reform wing that openly advocated market solutions at the time of his writing. Thirdly, his work is related to the concept of 'deviant' modernization in Yugoslavia, which assumes that all societies converge to a capitalist model of development. This approach is criticised from the perspective of multiple modernities, according to which modernization is not a linear trajectory towards a hegemonic model, but an open ended process that necessarily takes shape in context-specific constellations. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses some aspects of continuity and change in Croatian society. The first part, entitled "A Synoptic View of the Croatian Society Today", gives a bird's-eye-view of the Croatian society -- its social structure, dominant values, main repetitive processes: cooperation, competition, conflict, and main processes of social change: modernization and re-traditionalization. It shows the simultaneous effect of forces of continuity and tendencies to change. The second part, entitled "Dominant Values of Croatian Society", presents dominant values on three levels of centeredness: individual (individualism and utilitarianism), national (the "heroic codex") and societal (radical egalitarianism, authoritarianism and solidarity). The war has not introduced significant changes into the value system, apart from a more prominent and generalized "heroic codex" and solidarity. Adapted from the source document.

By using the analytical framework of the theory of modernization, the author analyzes the fundamental features of social community in postmodern society, in which it rests on kinship, religion, & cultural patterns. In modern society a new form of social community is established -- nation. It emerges within a constituted political framework as a community of individuals, subordinated to an integral legal framework. Contrary to the western model of "state-nation," there is the East European model of "culture-nation" or ethnic nation, which might be said to be an incompletely modernized social community. The dominating model in Croatia is one of the cultural or ethnic community. The consequences of such a model are the strengthening of authoritarian tendencies & the arrested development of democracy. In such a concept of social community there is no place for opposition. In Croatia, cultural & political modernization in the direction of social community with a more prominent role of intellectual elites & other social actors is vital. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses some aspects of continuity and change in Croatian society. The first part, entitled "A Synoptic View of the Croatian Society Today", gives a bird's-eye-view of the Croatian society -- its social structure, dominant values, main repetitive processes: cooperation, competition, conflict, and main processes of social change: modernization and re-traditionalization. It shows the simultaneous effect of forces of continuity and tendencies to change. The second part, entitled "Dominant Values of Croatian Society", presents dominant values on three levels of centeredness: individual (individualism and utilitarianism), national (the "heroic codex") and societal (radical egalitarianism, authoritarianism and solidarity). The war has not introduced significant changes into the value system, apart from a more prominent and generalized "heroic codex" and solidarity. Adapted from the source document.

The paper presents results of the research into main messages of the 2011 parliamentary election campaign in Croatia. Contents analysis of television adverts and billboards show that the campaign was defined more by utilitarian marketing than by ambition to improve the democratic process and enhance debate on important social issues. In interpreting the results, we use the theoretical approach of Americanization, developed in the framework of contemporary political communication. The research has shown that there has been much more modernization in communication skills and technics used during the campaign, and much less when it comes to political contents. The paradox of this campaign was that it failed to focus on issues such as economic crisis and the struggle against corruption, although there has been a wide consensus that these were the main issues of political and social life at the time of elections. Adapted from the source document.

The text develops a new theoretical model for the analysis of post-socialist media systems in European third wave democracies. The five-dimensional theoretical framework of Hallin and Mancini (2004) is expanded with the approach of historical institutionalism and path dependency in order to explain the convergence and divergence of media systems in three key time periods. The model distinguishes between three distinctive historical periods in the development of media systems, consequences of three key critical historical junctures -- modernization and democratic revolutions in the 19th century, socialist period, and the post-socialist period of new democracies. Thus the analysis includes, in addition to the first period of modernization that is crucial in the development of media systems in Western Europe (Hallin and Mancini, 2004), for the first time and explicitly also the socialist period and the contemporary period of post-socialist democratic media systems. Adapted from the source document.

Starting from the research results indicating weakening of the ties between political parties & citizens in West European democracies, the author poses the question of what has been happening with the party functions of the democratic legitimation of polities. By juxtaposing two interpretations -- one about the "mutual murder" of political parties & democracy, & the other about the weakening of political parties as a "modernizing" process that does not jeopardize democratic polities -- the author examines the possibility of testing these hypotheses on the case of Croatia as a new democracy. The analysis -- bearing in mind that all the conclusions based on the "traveling explanations" are of dubious value -- shows that Croatia is, tentatively speaking, nearer to the "modernizing" interpretation. Namely, there is not enough evidence that political parties as institutions are crucial for the growth of public support to a democratic polity. The role of parties as actors, ie, in the sense of political elites with a recognizable attitude toward democracy, is much more important in that respect. The author warns that the withering of the direct legitimizing role of political parties in new democracies does not necessarily imply a decreased importance of other functions of political parties in maintaining the democratic process. 3 Tables, 2 Figures, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

What is the state of consciousness of modernity presently like? Is modernity as out of date as is claimed by neoconservatism in general & the postmodernists in particular? Neoconservatists accuse modern culture of undermining the ethical foundations of social life. The author shows that neoconservatism does not understand the relation between culture & society, & that it ascribes to cultural modernity the pathological syndromes (hedonism, narcissism, loss of identity) which are, in fact, the product of capitalist modernization of economy & society. Through money & power, the systemic imperatives of market economy & of the bureaucratic state gravely endanger the world of life & the process of cultural reproduction & social integration. Thus, it is solely through distinction between societal & cultural modernization that one can also understand the pathological effects resulting from the sphere of culture itself. While societal modernization is characterized by a growing autonomy of purposefully rational activity (in market economy & administration), which leads to colonization of the world of life, cultural modernization is marked by an increasing differentiation of cultural value spheres (science, morality, art) based on varied aspirations to validity (truth, rightness, authenticity) & by a differentiation of structures of rationality (cognitive-instrumental, moral-practical, aesthetic). Conservative critics of the aporiae of modern culture reject the entire project of modernity, advocating either a return to pre-modernism, or a step forward into postmodernity, or else mere anti-modernity (philosophers such as Nietzsche, Heidegger, Bataille, Foucault, Derrida). In contrast to them, the author sees the potentials of modernity in the protection & development of the sphere of communicational rationality against the systemic imperatives of economy & of the state, in the reestablishment of links between the spheres of science, morality & art, & in connecting the corresponding expert cultures with the communicational practice of the world of life. Thus perceived, modernity is still an unfinished project, which encompasses historical emancipatory potentials only as a differentiated reactive linkage of modern culture with everyday practice, only if societal modernization can also be steered down other non-capitalist paths, if the world of life can develop out of itself institutions limited by the dynamics of the economic & administrative system. Adapted from the source document.

Slovenian state assembly can be categorized as one of those new parliaments in Central & Eastern Europe that were not only beneficiaries of democratization but also major actors in the transition from the former socialist into a democratic system. It was in the forefront of the modernization of the entire legislature in the second stage of Europeization & played a major role in the process of EU accession. The state assembly as a new parliament has undoubtedly reached a satisfactory level of institutional & organizational competence. The problem is, however, its genuine subjective or "cultural capacity." The lack of such capacities among the delegates in the process of EU accession was occasionally manifested in a huge disparity between the lip service to the EU membership & its values & the real understanding of the functioning of its institutions & goals. On numerous occasions there was a marked contrast between the idealized perceptions about how after the EU accession everything was going to be simpler & the pessimistic predictions about "drowning" in the EU. The Slovenian parliamentary elite has not yet fully grasped the reality that the so called "internal" issues have largely become the European issues or that the European issues have already become "national" issues. On the other hand, too little attention is paid to the question of how demanding the participation of the Slovenian parliament in the circumstances of the full membership really is. The representatives will be exposed to a much more intensive flow of information from the EU institutions & the reaction time will get shorter. This will mean that the delegates will increasingly respond "reactively" instead of "actively." The conclusion is that the state assembly at the commencement of its fourth mandate & following Slovenia's EU accession is not yet fully qualified to participate via the government in the process of EU decision-making from the perspective of a swift grasp of vital information & taking stands; neither is it in the position to properly monitor the government. Also, the state assembly is not conversant enough in translating the European politics into the Slovenian setting since it lacks the necessary experience, knowledge & routine in operating in the new circumstances of multilevel decision-making. Due to this lack of precedents, the real hard work is only beginning. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

One aspect of the modernization of liberal government in the late 20th century was an increased attention to policy, both as a concept for interrogating government, and as the basis for organizing work within government, leading to the development of 'policy analysis' as a decision tool. This paper reviews the development of specialised forms of 'policy work' in liberal western political systems in order to establish what can be learned by other sorts of polity, and in particular, the transitional states of Eastern Europe. It discusses the multiple and overlapping accounts of policy that are in use, and the implications that these have for the nature of policy work. It points out that policy work takes place in multiple locations where a diversity of rationales may apply, and discusses the implications of this analysis for the place of policy work in the modernization of government. ; Jedan aspekt modernizacije liberalne vladavine potkraj 20. stoljeća bio je pridavanje veće pozornosti javnim politikama, i kao pojmu za ispitivanje vlade i kao temelju za organiziranje posla unutar vlade, što je dovelo do razvoja "analize javnih politika" kao sredstva odlučivanja. U ovom se radu razmatra razvoj specijaliziranih oblika "rada na javnim politikama" u liberalnim zapadnim političkim sustavima kako bi se utvrdilo što se može naučiti od drugih oblika državnog uređenja, osobito od tranzicijskih država Istočne Europe. Razmatraju se brojna i preklapajuća tumačenja javnih politika te posljedice tih tumačenja na prirodu rada na javnim politikama. Ističe se da se rad na javnim politikama zbiva na mnoštvu mjesta na kojima se možda primjenjuje niz različitih načela, te se razmatraju implikacije te analize za položaj rada na javnim politikama u modernizaciji vlasti.