Suchergebnisse

We will use the Fanon's concept of society without mediations, based on structural racism, to explain the regressive tendency proper to societies of peripheric modernization, especially Brazil. From a criticism to Gilberto Freyre and Florestan Fernandes, who both assume a notion of ne-cessitarian sociological objectivism with an apolitical-depoliticized character in order to under-stand the development and the contradictions of current Brazilian society (Freyre's sadism-masochism; Fernandes' idea of Black incapability to protestant ethics due to slavery), both re-fusing structural racism and racial whitening, we will point exactly to (a) the systemic evolution as a White's or colonizer's intentioned and planified political project over the Black/colonized, which is, according us, the effective practical core and role of the formation and development of the colonial society; (b) the inexistence or the fragility of juridical, institutional and normative mediations between these divided and ossified realities of race (Whites over/against Blacks); (c) the direct violence and the permanent regression as the structural tendencies of the constitution and development of a society of peripheric and racialized modernization, including here the eras-ing and falsification of colonial history; and, finally, (d) the intrinsic correlation, once denied by Freyre and Fernandes, and on the contrary affirmed by Fanon, of race and class, race as class, class as race.

A intelectualidade vivencia uma ruptura com os padrões de consagração vigentes na Primeira República. A partir da tomada do poder por Getúlio Vargas e a Revolução de 1930, tem-se início um novo cenário político. Devido à queda do preço do café, o modelo agroexportador encontrava-se em processo de decadência, pois já não era mais possível manter artificialmente o valor deste produto. Somam-se a este fator as restrições provocadas pela crise financeira de 1929, o que implicou na queda da demanda externa e no surgimento de novos competidores. Neste contexto, os intelectuais estão subordinados de um modo mais intenso à conjuntura política do que propriamente às questões culturais. A função e atuação dos intelectuais ultrapassam, desta maneira, o campo estritamente intelectual e adentram o do político. Assim, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo demonstrar a relação entre a modernização brasileira e o desenvolvimento institucional e intelectual das Ciências Sociais no Brasil. ; La intelectualidad experimenta una ruptura con los estándares de consagración vigentes en la Primera República. A partir de la toma del poder por Getúlio Vargas y la Revolución de 1930, comenzó un nuevo escenario político. Debido a la caída en el precio del café, el modelo de agroexportación estaba en proceso de descomposición, ya que no era posible mantener artificialmente el valor de este producto. A este factor se suman las restricciones causadas por la crisis financiera de 1929, que implicó una caída de la demanda externa y la aparición de nuevos competidores. En este contexto, los intelectuales están más fuertemente subordinados a la situación política que a los asuntos culturales. La función y el desempeño de los intelectuales, de esta manera, van más allá del campo estrictamente intelectual y entran en el de lo político. Así, el presente trabajo tiene como objetivo demostrar la relación entre la modernización brasileña y el desarrollo institucional e intelectual de las Ciencias Sociales en Brasil. ; Intellectuality experiences a rupture with the standards of consecration in force in the First Republic. From the seizure of power by Getúlio Vargas and the 1930 Revolution, a new political scenario began. Due to the drop in the price of coffee, the agro-export model was in a process of decay, as it was no longer possible to artificially maintain the value of this product. Added to this factor are the restrictions caused by the financial crisis of 1929, which implied a drop in external demand and the emergence of new competitors. In this context, intellectuals are more intensely subordinated to the political situation than to cultural issues. The function and performance of intellectuals, in this way, go beyond the strictly intellectual field and enter that of the political. Thus, the present work aims to demonstrate the relationship between Brazilian modernization and the institutional and intellectual development of Social Sciences in Brazil.

This article analyses the process of the State's modernization in Brazil, associating it with the concept of the State's capacity, in particular the professionalization of the federal bureaucracy in charge of conceiving and implementing public policies. The article concludes that, despite multiple mechanisms having been used by different governments and political regimes to recruit their bureaucracies, the federal Executive has always been capable of generating the capacity to implement the policies of its choice. Over the past two decades, however, the federal Executive has preferred to recruit its bureaucracy primarily through public sector entrance examinations. As result, Brazil today has a consolidated bureaucracy that is involved in overseeing rules, procedures and fiscal controls, but that is still incomplete in some areas of public policy. These new features of the federal bureaucracy suggest that certain characteristics of the Weberian bureaucracy have indeed been created but others are still awaiting institutionalization, which therefore affects the capacity of the State in implementing certain policies. ; El artículo analiza el proceso de modernización del Estado brasileño y su vinculación con el concepto de la capacidad del Estado, especialmente la profesionalización de la burocracia federal dedicada a la formulación e implementación de políticas públicas. El artículo concluye que a pesar de la aparición de múltiples mecanismos utilizados por los diferentes gobiernos y regímenes políticos para la contratación de su burocracia, el Ejecutivo federal siempre ha sido capaz de generar capacidades para aplicar sus políticas preferidas. Sin embargo, en las dos últimas décadas el Ejecutivo federal comenzó a reclutar a su burocracia principalmente a través de concursos públicos. Existe hoy una burocracia consolidada sobre las normas y procedimientos de control y el control fiscal, pero todavía incompleta en algunos ámbitos de la política pública. Estas nuevas características del sistema burocrático federal indican que algunas de las dimensiones de una burocracia weberiana se construyeron mientras que otras esperan institucionalización, lo que afecta a la capacidad del Estado en ciertas políticas. ; O artigo analisa o processo de modernização do Estado brasileiro associando-o ao conceito de capacidade do Estado, em especial, a profissionalização da burocracia federal que atua na formulação e implementação de políticas públicas. O artigo conclui que, a despeito da ocorrência de múltiplos mecanismos utilizados pelos diferentes governos e regimes políticos para o recrutamento da sua burocracia, o Executivo federal sempre foi capaz de gerar capacidade para implementar suas políticas preferenciais. Nas duas últimas décadas, contudo, o Executivo federal passou a recrutar sua burocracia majoritariamente por meio de concursos públicos, havendo hoje uma burocracia consolidada atuando no controle de regras e procedimentos e no controle fiscal, mas ainda incompleta em algumas áreas de políticas públicas. Essas novas características do sistema burocrático federal indicam que algumas das dimensões de uma burocracia weberiana foram construídas enquanto outras aguardam institucionalização, afetando, portanto, a capacidade do Estado em determinadas políticas.

The maritime piracy is an old phenomenon, to define its cause is necessary a complex analysis. This article focuses in the Nigerian case and concludes that the attacks' study is one variable to understand the relation between the geographic space and the concentration of the criminal violence in the country's coast. To test the correlation with the State weakness or the population poverty is required a rigorous analysis that includes the economic and political design of the maritime piracy. Adapted from the source document.

The 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil gathered approximately BRL 24 billion in investment to build and improve airports, sports arenas, ports, and urban mobility through public-private partnerships. This study analyzes these partnerships and discusses potential conflicts of interest and corruption driven by networking. From the structural sociology of relationships, we built a graphical representation of the investment network and the centrality, proximity, and intermediate positions of 446 actors involved in this sporting event. The results show that, in public-private partnerships, the state takes on different roles in public services coordination. The study found that INFRAERO is the most powerful state agency in the network of investments examined, followed by BNDES and CEF bank. In addition, the research identified seven private companies involved in the well-known corruption case Operation Car Wash. This study contributes to the literature by highlighting the composition of the investment network formed around the 2014 FIFA World Cup, enabling society and governments to consider public-private partnerships in the context of ethics, conflicts of interest, and corruption that may emerge from these relationships. ; La Copa Mundial 2014 reunió inversiones de aproximadamente 24 mil millones de reales para la construcción o mejora de aeropuertos, estadios deportivos, puertos y movilidad urbana en Brasil, a través de asociaciones público-privadas. El propósito del artículo es analizar las asociaciones entre el Estado y el sector privado en inversiones para la Copa Mundial 2014 y discutir posibles conflictos de intereses y corrupción impulsados por la creación de redes. A partir de la sociología estructural de las relaciones, construimos una representación gráfica de la red de inversión y las posiciones de centralidad, proximidad e intermediación de 446 actores involucrados en este evento deportivo. Los resultados muestran que en este arreglo organizativo las entidades públicas asumen diferentes roles en la organización de los servicios públicos licitados – Infraero es el actor público más poderoso de la red, seguido por otras organizaciones prominentes como BNDES y CEF. Además, la encuesta identificó 7 empresas privadas involucradas en la operación Lava-Jato. La investigación contribuye a resaltar la composición de la red de inversión y permite a la sociedad y los gobiernos considerar las asociaciones público-privadas en el contexto de la ética, los conflictos de intereses y la corrupción que pueden surgir de estas relaciones. ; A Copa do Mundo de 2014 reuniu investimentos de aproximadamente 24 bilhões de reais para a construção ou adequação de aeroportos, arenas esportivas, portos e mobilidade urbana no Brasil por meio de parcerias público-privadas. O artigo objetiva analisar as parcerias entre o Estado e a iniciativa privada nos investimentos para a Copa de 2014 e discutir os conflitos de interesse e corrupção impulsionados pela formação de redes. Com base na sociologia estrutural dos relacionamentos, construímos uma representação gráfica da rede de investimentos e as posições de centralidade, proximidade e intermediação de 446 atores envolvidos nesse evento esportivo. Os resultados mostram que, nesse arranjo organizacional, os entes públicos assumem diferentes papéis na organização dos serviços públicos licitados – a Infraero é o ator público mais poderoso na rede, seguida por outras organizações de destaque, como BNDES e CEF. Além disso, a pesquisa identificou 7 empresas privadas envolvidas na operação Lava-Jato. A pesquisa contribui para evidenciar a composição da rede de investimentos e possibilitar que a sociedade e os governos considerem as parcerias público-privadas no contexto de ética, conflitos de interesse e corrupção que podem emergir desses relacionamentos.

In this paper, we will develop the Ailton Krenak's criticism to Western modernity-modernization as a monoculture of ideas that constitutes itself as a self-referential, self-subsistent, endogenous, autonomous and self-sufficient structure which does not need the help and the critic by the other of modernity. Using the notion of colonialism as theory of modernity, we will identify five fundamental problems that permeates the construction of Jürgen Habermas' theory of Western modernity-modernization, problems that justify this Ailton Krenak's criticism, namely: (a) the modernity as a society-culture marked by an absolute singularity as post-metaphysical universalism-globalism from cultural-communicative rationality, entirely different of the rest of societies-cultures as traditionalism in general based on essentialist and naturalized foundations; (c) the comprehension of the constitution and development of European modernity as an endogenous, autonomous, self-sufficient and closed movement-principle relatively to the other of modernity, totally capable of self-comprehension, self-reflexivity and self-correction from inside, by its own means, with no necessity of external help; (c) the reduction of the constitutive and distinctive dynamics of Western modernization to the notion of correlation, separation and tension-contradiction between cultural modernity and social-economic modernization, with the silencing about and the erasing of the colonialism as movement, principle and consequence of the process of Western modernization; (d) the restrictive comprehension of the constitutive and evolutionary way of Western modernization as a straight, direct and linear process which goes from modern Europe towards the First and Second Worlds, again silencing about and erasing the Third World as a constitutive part and consequence of the Western modernity-modernization as a whole; and, finally, (e) the correlation of cultural-modernity (as post-metaphysical universalism-globalism from cultural-communicative rationality) with/as humankind, the humankind as a big process of modernization, and each society-culture as a proto-modernity, which sustains and supports exactly the idea of Western modernization as the apogee of human evolution and, therefore, its universalist-globalist sense and vocation, a characteristic that is denied to the other of modernity.