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"This book discusses morality, politics, and philosophy and describes how the three subjects are intertwined. The author begins with preliminary considerations, covering topics such as the law of honor, the law of the land, the moral sense, etc. The author then discusses moral obligation (i.e. the definition of "obligation" and the necessity of general rules); relative duties (i.e. duties in relation to property law, charity, and slavery); duties to ourselves (i.e. the right to self-defense); duties towards God (i.e. prayer and the use of Scripture); and elements of political knowledge (i.e. civil liberties, crimes and punishments, war, and military establishments)." (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved).

Response to 'El indio constitucional', which urges indigenous populations and Creoles alike to support the Spanish Constitution and its attendant freedoms from tyranny, with a focus on the points raised by 'El indio constitucional', in particular the liberty of the press, openness in political debates, and restraint when dealing with questions of religion and morality. See also 9770.bb.3.(54.)

Work in two volumes, totaling 550 pages. First selected section is from Volume One, and discusses censorships relating to ecclesiastical legislature, freedom of religion, the confession of sins, the conjugal bond, the value of the four minor orders, the infallibility of general councils, doubts about the presence of Christ in the Eucharist, papal authority, respect for the ecclesiastical state, morality, ecclesiastical discipline, abstinence from meat and dairy, and the prohibition of books. Second selected section is from Volume Two, and discusses issues surrounding a religious constitution in a Catholic nation that is becoming free and independent, for example religious tolerance

continued: . XII. Historical documents and remarks (from December, 1799 to March, 1801) ; Trial of Cooper ; Emigration Society ; Washington's death ; Proceedings in Congress during the session which began December, 1799 ; Board of Commissioners ; Defence of the Quakers of Pennsylvania ; Farewell advertisement ; Prison eclogue ; Republican morality ; Jefferson's election ; Adam's public conduct ; Jefferson's character ; Convention concluded between America and France, in 1800 ; Proceedings in Congress during the session which ended in March, 1801 ; Index. ; continued: . IX. Selections from Porcupine's gazette (for July, 1798) ; The impeachment of Senator Blount ; Selections from Porcupine's gazette (for August and September, 1798) ; J.H. Stone's letters to Dr. Priestley ; Remarks on Dr. Priestley's explanation respecting the letters of Stone ; Selections from Porcupine's gazette (for October, 1798) ; Miscellaneous anecdotes of various dates ; Priestley's poor emigrants ; Postscript, containing an address of the Welsh people residing in Cambria, Pa., to their brethren in Wales -- X. Selections from Porcupine's gazette (from November 1798, to June, 1799) ; Dr. Morse's exposure of French intrigue in the United States ; Galloway's exposure of Howe ; The trial of republicanism -- XI. Selections from Porcupine's gazette (from July, 1799, to January, 1800) ; A concise and comprehensive history of Prince Suworrow's campaign in Italy, in 1799 ; The American rush-light : Nos. 1-V . ; continued: . IV. The scare-crow ; The life and adventures of Peter Porcupine ; The political censor : No. V ; The gros mousqueton diplomatique ; The political censor : No. VI-VIII ; A brief statement of the injuries and insults received from France ; Washington's retiring from the presidency -- V. Selections from Porcupine's gazette (from March to May, 1797) -- VI. Selections from Porcupine's gazette (from June to 15th August, 1797) -- VII. Selections from Porcupine's gazette (from 16th August to end of November, 1797) ; The republican judge ; Selections from Porcupine's gazette (for December, 1797) -- VIII. Selections from Porcupine's gazette (from January to May, 1798) ; Detection of a conspiracy, formed by the United Irishmen ; Selections from Porcupine's gazette (for June, 1798) ; The cannibal's progress ; Authentic history of the depredations committed on the commerce of the United States . ; I. A summary view of the politics of the United States from the close of the war to the year 1794 ; Addresses to Doctor Priestley ; Observations on Priestley's emigration ; The short, but comprehensive, story of a farmer's bull ; Account of the insurrection in the western counties of Pennsylvania, in 1794 ; Dispute between America and Great Britain -- II. A bone to gnaw for the Democrats (Part I) ; A kick for a bite ; A bone to gnaw for the Democrats (Part II) ; A summary of the proceedings of Congress, during the session which commenced November, 1794 ; Popular proceedings relative to the British treaty ; A little plain English, addressed to the people of the United States on the treaty ; Analysis of Randolph's Vindication ; A New Year's gift for the Democrats -- III. The censor : No. 1. The bloody buoy ; The censor : No. II-IV . ; Mode of access: Internet. ; BEIN Merriam 119: Imperfect: v. 5-7, 9 only. Stamp: G. & C. Merriam Co., Springfield, Mass., Jun. 12, 1939. Vols. 6-7, 9 have bookplate of Pratt Institute, Brooklyn, N.Y. and autograph of F.Y. Robertson.

Broadside with a message from Vermont Governor William A. Palmer after he was elected in 1831; mentions the militia and the subject of a national bank. ; GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE, Gentlemen of the Council, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: Being again called to the office of Chief Magistrate of the State, by a majority oi the suffrages of the General Assembly, I accept the trust confided to me, and will use ray best endeavors to discharge the duties incumbent on me, for the good of the State, and the interests of the people, The Constitution enjoins upon the Governor and Council to take care that the laws be faithfully administered, and to carry into execution such measures as may be resolved upon by the General Assembly. Very few of the Executive powers of our Government are entrusted solely, to the Chief Magistrate; but, on the contrary, are entrusted to certain officers, who, from their appointment, and the nature of their duties, appear to be exempted from executive direction or censure. In the financial department, a vigilance in the executive over subordinate officers, who may be in any way, employed in receiving and paying over public monies, seems more important. The necessity of any particular attention to this, by the Executive, is however superceded by the laws already in force, by which it is made the duty of all subordinate officers, connected in any way with the collection of the revenue, to make annual settlements with the head of the treasury department. An annual settlement is also to be made with the treasury department, with a full and fair statement of the accounts, together with the balances due, to be laid before the General Assembly at their October session. By the foregoing provision in the law, any call of the Executive on the Treasury department, for the information of the General Assembly is rendered unnecessary. Some attention to this subject* by the Legislature may be attended with beneficial results. Our duty as Legislators is to provide wholesome laws for the promotion of virtue, happiness and prosperity among the people, upon whom the laws are to operate. One of the important ends of all government, is> to teach each individual of the community the necessity of self-government. When we reflect on the vast influence of the laws in moulding and fom^g the manners, habits and virtues of a people, and that this influence, in our own case, is to exert itself on IiLile leGs than three hundred thousand individuals, the business entrusted o us assumes an importance demanding our highest efforts to render such influence salutary in its operation. That such has not been the case in all countries, has arisen from the irresponsibility with which the powers of government have been exercised by their rulers—an irresponsibility growing out of the mistaken and anti-republican doctrine that those powers were exersised by men in der such circumstances is it to be wondered at that the laws, instead of being calculated to promote the general welfare, should be wrested to the purposes cf individual aggrandizement ? Our government is happily so organized that the duty and interests of the lawgiver are necessarily identified with the rights and interests of the community, and under such circumstances of responsibility, as to compel him to feel less sympathy for the ruler than the ruled. From these considerations it would seem that nothing but a great degree of ignorance or depravity could induce those who are employed in making and executing the laws, to be forgetful of the rights and interests of their constituents, and it behoves us, in the prosecution of our important duties, to keep these great principles of republican freedom constantly in view, and not to flatter ourselves that the people have become, cither so ignorant or disregarded of their just rights as to sanction or submit to any attempt to impose upon their ignorance or credulity. The sentiments, in regard to public worship, religion, and morality, interwoven with our constitution, as far as our limited knowledge can extend, have had great influence on the people! These circumstances, under our established form of government, excluding as it does all persecution and intolerance in matters of religion and modes ot worship, give to our state an I honorab 1 e station in the view of the enlightened part of the world. The principles and precepts of the gospel, if improved for religious and moral purposes only, will always make good men, and by consequence, good j citizens. Upon the religious and literary institutions of the State, our happiness as a people, essentially depends. While therefore, that freedom of opinion, and those rights of conscience, which are recognized in our constitution, are sacredly maintained, the Legislature will not fail to give every suitable, encouragement to their support. Permit me again to call your attention to the subject of the Militia. Unprepared to enter into details, my observations must be general. However some may esteem it, the Militia is the great depository of our liberty and independence-—it is the first and last hope of our country. Let the Militia become and remain inefficient and our transition to despotism will be gradual perhaps, but inevitable. Previous to the Revolution, the greatest care was taken to keep the militia in an unorganized and inefficient state. In most of the then British Provinces, patriotic exertions were made, but with little effect, to counteract this slavish policy; the Provincial Governors, generally opposed to the interests of the people, iheir own right, and not in the right appointed the Militia officers subser- and for the good of th® people, Un- || vient to their own view?. When? how ever, war with the mother country became inevitable, one of the first and most important measures adopted, was the reorganization of the whole body of the militia, and since that period most of the States have paid a marked and laudable attention to the subject. The result has, in many instances done honor to the Government ; the measures adopted have excised a martial spirit which merits every attention and encouragement. The materials composing the militia are independent and aspiring citizens, whose fearless spirit never was, and, with confidence it may be said never will be subdued by foreign domination. They will sooner, by far, nobly perish on the field of battle-, than surrender their beloved country—the birthright of themselves and those most dear to them, to an inexorable and haughty invader. Such materials for soldiers are not exceeded in any other country, and is j it proper or expedient to let them remain unimproved, when they are so vitally important to our existence as a free people? And is it sound policy to continue to neglect the discipline of the militia—suffer the military ardor heretofore existing among the yeomanry, which has given us a name aaiong the nations, to languish and expire ? Or shall an effort be made to secure a proper organization of the militia and foster a military spirit among the people ? 1 therefore earnestly recommend the subject to your careful consideration and control, but hope that the present session will not pass without the adoption of some measure calculated to promote the object in view. During the past year there has been much agitation on the subject of the United States Bank, and the measures of the national executive in relation to it. The questions of principle involved in the controversy are of vast importance to the interests of the nation, and require to be discussed and decided with reference both to the present convenience and necessities of the people, and also to their influence upon the future destinies of the country. An institution, like that of the Bank of the United States, necessarily possess powers, which, if exercised for good, as they ever should be, are most beneficent in their ope- railons, and, if exerted for evil, are of a nature the most pernicious. If such an institution, therefore, be demanded to meet the wants of the community, the utmost caution should be observed in framing the provisions of its charter—the most effectual checks placed upon its power—and the most waichful vigilance exercised with regard to its conduct. That a National Bank, with proper powers and restrictions, is both necessary and constitutional, 1 do not doubt. I deem, however, the charter o^'he present Bank exceptionable in several of its provisions, and am opposed to its renewal in its present form. Its conduct, in some respeGts, I consider justly liable to censure ; yet, I cannot regard that, as furnishing any justification of the executive proceedings in relation to it, some of which I deem pernicious in their consequences and altogether unwarrantable. The public mind has been much agitated in relation to certain abuses and assumptions of power on the part of the national executive. It will be sufficient for me to say, in connexion with this subject, that too much vigilance cannot be exercised, either on the part of the people or the state legislatures, with respect to his patronage and power. A manifestation by him of the least, disposition, either to overstep the bounds of the constitution and laws, or to exercise those powers which he legitimately and constitutionally possesses, for purposes not within the scope of his duties, should be met and resisted, on the threshhold, as the beginning of tyranny. At the last session of the General Assembly a resolution wras passed, requesting me to renew the correspondence with the Governor General of the Brinsh Provinces, upon the ^subject of obstructions at the outlet of the waters of Lake Champlain, and to solicit, that a commissioner or commissioners be appointed, on the part of that government, to act in conjunction with commissioners appointed on the part of this State, to ascertain, if practicable, the true cause, or causes, of the overflowing of the lands in this State, on the margin of Lake Champlain and its tributary streams, and the extent of the evils complained of. In pursuance of the request expressed in that resolution, in February last, I addressed a letter to the Governor General of the British Provinces in North America, on that subject, requesting the appointment of commissioners on the part of the government of Lower Canada, to meet such as were appointed on the part of this State, for the purpose of carrying the object referred to into effect, but have received no answer from the Governor, or any of the authorities of that government. At a period of uncommon agitation and embarrassment, it is among the important duties required of us to soar above local and partial views—-to cherish and inculcate a disinterested spirit, and to secure, by every possible means, the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. It only remains with me to assure you that I shall, in all things, heartily co-operate with you, in the necessary measures to promote and ensure the general welfare, W. A- PALMER. Montpslier, Oct, IS, 1834