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Thinking about justice in international politics is a particularly frustrating activity for a number of reasons. In the first place, there is the problem of demarcating justice from other moral concepts such as benevolence and charity and defining the respective spheres of these concepts. Too narrow a band for justice will tend towards cynicism, too wide a band will tend to equate justice and morality. In the second place, there is an enormous literature from Plato and Aristotle onwards on justice in social and political philosophy which ought to be explored before applying the concept to international politics. Decisions need to be made about which parts of it are relevant to international politics, i.e. what structural features there are in international politics which are analogous to community or society in domestic contexts. Thirdly, there is little evidence that justice actually plays a role in the deliberations of statesmen and political leaders.

"In a new reading of Immanuel Kant's work, this book interrogates his notions of the imagination and anthropology, identifying these - rather than the problem of reason - as the two central pivoting orientations of his work. Such an approach allows a more complex understanding of his critical-philosophical program to emerge, which includes his accounts of reason, politics and freedom as well as subjectivity and intersubjectivity, or sociabilities. Examining Kant's theorisation of the complexity of our phenomenological existence, the author explores his transcendental move that includes reason and understanding whilst emphasising the importance of the faculty of the imagination to undergird both, before moving to consider Kant's pluralised, transcendental notion of freedom. This outstanding book will appeal to scholars with interests in philosophy, politics, anthropology and sociology working on questions of imagination, reason, subjectivities and human freedom"--

Matt Sleat asks how liberal politics can recharge its vision and ideals for a contemporary reality marked by increased political disengagement and the rise of populism. The answer, he argues, lies in a dialled‐down sense of morality, a willingness to compromise, and an unerring eye on power in all its forms.

The difference between a humane, civilized nation and a barbaric nation is not the difference between innocence and guilt, but how that nation deals with the shadowy and problematic sides of its history. Erazim Kohák, "Letter to an Anonymous Friend"

Личность великого советского поэта А. Т. Твардовского многогранна. В настоящей статье представлен набросок его духовно-культурного облика.The personality of great soviet poet Tvardovskiy is versatile. In this article his cultural and spiritual image is discussed.

The rights of philosophy / Hans Friedrich Fulda -- Kant, Hegel, and the contemporary question concerning the normative foundations of morality and right / Karl-Otto Apel -- "The personality of the will" as the principle of abstract right : an analysis of articles 34-40 of Hegel's Philosophy of right in terms of the logical structure of the concept / Michael Quante -- Person and property in Hegel's Philosophy of right (articles 34-81) / Joachim Ritter -- Common welfare and universal will in Hegel's Philosophy of right / Manfred Baum -- The contemporary relevance of Hegel's concept of punishment / Wolfgang Schild -- Natural ethical life and civil society : Hegel's construction of the family / Siegfried Blasche -- The role of civil society in Hegel's political philosophy / Rolf-Peter Horstmann -- Logical form and real totality : the authentic conceptual form of Hegel's concept of the state / Dieter Henrich -- Constitution, fundamental rights, and social welfare in Hegel's Philosophy of right / Ludwig Siep -- Hegel's organicist theory of the state : on the concept and method of Hegel's "Science of the state" / Michael Wolff.

Examines the presumption of moral authority that some bioethicists claim, asserting that the field is suffering from a crisis of purpose, identity, & expertise springing from its derivative nature. The origins of the field of bioethics are traced & the internal debate of what constitutes bioethics is discussed in terms of what its expertise is. Bioethics pursuit of social justice is touched on, suggesting it is a goal best left to others to pursue, & the field's response to the ascent of conservative bioethics during the Bush administration is described. Attention is then given to the issue of human subject research. It is concluded that bioethics pushing a social or economic reform agenda amounts to little more than politics by other means. D. Edelman

Introduction : politics and kinship / Tatjana Thelen and Erdmute Alber -- Introduction to African political systems / Meyer Fortes and Edward E. Evans-Pritchard -- Kinship within and beyond the 'Movement of Progressive Societies' / Susan McKinnon -- Kinship weaponized : representations of kinship and binary othering in U.S. military anthropology / Thomas Zitelmann -- Father state, motherland, and the birth of modern Turkey / Carol Delaney -- The village headman in British Central Africa : introduction / Max Gluckman -- State kinning and kinning the state in Serbian elder care programs / Tatjana Thelen, André Thiemann and Duška Roth -- Doubt is the mother of all inventions : DNA and paternity in a Brazilian setting / Claudia Fonseca -- The algebra of genocide / Diane Nelson -- Carnal knowledge and imperial power : gender and morality in the making of race / Ann Laura Stoler -- Genomics en route : ancestry, heritage and the politics of identity across the Black Atlantic / Katharina Schramm -- Making merit : the Indian Institutes of Technology and the social life of caste / Ajantha Subramanian -- The origins of the family, property, and the state / Friedrich Engels -- Including our own / Jeanette Edwards and Marilyn Strathern -- Parenthood and social reproduction / Esther Goody -- No school without foster families in northern Benin : a social historical approach / Erdmute Alber -- Defining parents, making citizens : nationality and citizenship in transnational surrogacy / Daisy Deomampo.

Draws on Michel Foucault's later writings about aesthetics of existence to rebut claims by Jurgen Habermas that Foucault's self-defeating theory of power implies he had no particular political view. Foucault's aesthetics of existence indicates a representation of existence without recourse to moral codes or epistemological norms, ie, an ethical fabrication of existence based on a self-imposed moral code. His support for a critical ethos is argued to demonstrate a commitment to freedom & justice associated with particular practices of government. An aesthetic of existence does not necessarily imply a self-indulgent existence because it includes elements invoking concern with how one governs oneself & others, thereby fostering an individual's capacities of critical reflection on government. The aesthetics of existence is described as a constructivist or network conception of rights focused on individual or group prerogatives to resist a government they find intolerable. Foucault's personal relation to the politics of the time is discussed, maintaining that it was consistent with his ideas about aesthetic morality. 42 References. J. Lindroth

The state has, since its origins, been characterized both by the production of public goods & a competition for the surplus benefits generated by the creation of those goods. Holmstrom's (1982) analysis of an impossibility result leads to the conclusion that this problem is logically inescapable. There is no process for exactly allocating the benefits of an interdependent social process that eliminates moral hazard. Further, morally hazardous behavior can undermine the efficiency of the processes that generate the benefits. In both firms & states, therefore, the credible constraint of morally hazardous behavior is a fundamental concern. In both forms of social organization, delegation to bureaucracy can enhance efficiency by creating barriers between those actors with moral hazard & the producers of the benefits. The characteristics of Weberian bureaucracy, including rational/legal constraints & autonomous professional norms, serve to insulate bureaucrats from efficiency-undermining political pressures. This perspective provides support for concerns of the century-old Progressive reform tradition, which wanted to place bureaucrats "above politics." It stands in contrast to the more recent principal/agency perspective, which argues that the fundamental problem is the creation of incentive systems that make bureaucratic subordinates increasingly responsive to the preferences of political superiors. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

This book expands the idea of practical liberalism by exploring how a theory of civil association premised upon prudential argument can remain stable through time. The work explores the relation between politics and morality and crafts a theory of social justice that can command the attention of all groups present in a pluralist polity.

Objective. Local government officials exhibit a variety of responses to morality issues involving "decency" (i.e., pornography, prostitution, sexually explicit businesses). The purpose of this research is to account for these differences.Methods. This research analyzes a subset of data from a larger study of morality policy making at the local level, that is, all cases of decision making on decency issues (e.g., pornography, prostitution, regulation of sexually explicit businesses, etc.) that occurred in the period 1994–2000 in 10 of the 52 largest cities in the United States.Results. In mayoral settings, decision making on decency cases is likely to evoke pro‐decency action from officials when a high level of issue salience is combined with high levels of church adherence, low levels of women's political empowerment, low levels of fundamentalist religious attachment, and higher levels of per capita income. Officials in city manager settings act more favorably toward decency activists if (1) higher levels of salience combine with a lower prevalence of fundamentalist religious adherents and higher levels of per capita income or (2) there is an interaction of salience and low levels of female political empowerment and high unemployment.Conclusions. Although exploratory in nature, the results confirm conventional expectations concerning the importance of salience and the prevalence of church affiliation; the results are counterintuitive with respect to the prevalence of fundamentalist forces and the extent of female political empowerment.