Regulating surrogacy across Western Europe: A usual case of (gendered) morality politics?
In: Comparative European politics
ISSN: 1740-388X
In: Comparative European politics
ISSN: 1740-388X
In: European Union politics: EUP
ISSN: 1741-2757
Credit and debt are more than just material exchanges within a market economy, they are also social constructs embedded in moral judgments about the character of the agents involved. During the recent European Sovereign Bond crisis, some commentators noted how a similarly loaded moral media discourse juxtaposed "virtuous" Northern European countries on the one side, and "spendthrift, lazy" Southern European ones on the other side. In this article, I provide a quantitative large-N empirical assessment of this phenomenon. I employ a dictionary-based approach inspired by research in social psychology to measure moral content. Upon analyzing more than 14,000 articles published in the Anglo-American and German financial press between 2004 and 2019, I show the extent to which Greece was described in negative moral language. After the initial "shock" in the fall of 2009, the average moral tone turns negative, and more so in the German financial press relative to its Anglo-American counterpart. Moreover, by most measures, it never completely reverts to pre-crisis levels, thus suggesting how "sticky" economic narratives can become. Against the original expectations, though, there is no evidence that the financial press framed the last and most acute phase of the Greek crisis in 2015 in increasingly moral terms.
In: Politics, religion & ideology, Band 25, Heft 1, S. 136-138
ISSN: 2156-7697
In: International review of social history, S. 1-4
ISSN: 1469-512X
In: Global discourse: an interdisciplinary journal of current affairs and applied contemporary thought, S. 1-5
ISSN: 2043-7897
Kalpana Wilson's (2023) article highlights pivotal moves in discourses to decolonise development, focusing on how essentialist and racist readings of decoloniality circulate in development spaces and in Brahmanical Hindu supremacist discourse. Building upon Wilson's insights, this reply delves into the body-politics of race where diversity in development is a decolonial and antiracist option that manifests in substituting 'white saviours' for brown ones, and where reassessments of capital and labour relations are conspicuously absented in reformulations of development. The concept of the 'morality trap' is central to this, capturing the dilemma faced by well-intentioned individuals working in development who are sensitive to charges of complicity and implication in development's racism. By examining the intersections of race, power, and development practices, I aim to elucidate how essentialist interpretations of decoloniality perpetuate racial hierarchies, as evidenced in the emergence of 'brown saviours'. Such analysis helps to identify not only the body-politics of racism in development but its particularities to the development industry.
In: Perspectives on justice and morality
"The punishment of norm violators has fostered cooperation and thus helped small groups of early human hunters and gatherers to survive (Greene, 2014). The "moral punishment instinct" (van Prooijen, 2018) is a part of human nature, and punitive practices can be found in every society. At the same time, punitive practices vary enormously between societies and over time. In his social history of prison reform in the late 18th and early 19th century, Ignatieff (1978) traced how punishments directed at the body, such as whipping or public hanging, were replaced by solitary confinement as a new form of punishment directed at the mind. Although the "birth of the prison" (Foucault, 1977 (1975)) has been copied around the globe, large differences in its use remain. While growing prison populations in the United States of America, the United Kingdom and other liberal democracies point to more retributionist penal philosophies since the late 1960s (Garland, 2012), Japan has emphasized reintegrative shaming and restorative justice (Braithwaite, 1989) in its response to norm violations"--
World Affairs Online
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology
ISSN: 1467-9221
AbstractMoral judgment is politically situational—people are more forgiving of transgressive copartisans and more likely to behave punitively and unethically toward political opponents. Such differences are widely observed, but not fully explained. If moral values are nonnegotiable first‐principle beliefs about right and wrong, why do similar transgressions elicit different moral judgment in the personal and political realm? We argue this pattern arises from the same forces intuitionist frameworks of moral psychology use to explain the origins of morality: the adaptive need to suppress individual behavior to ensure ingroup success. We hypothesize ingroups serve as moral boundaries, that the relative tight constraints morality exerts over ingroup relations loosen in competitive group environments because doing so also serves ingroup interests. We find support for this hypothesis in four independent samples and also find that group antipathy—internalized dislike of the outgroup—pushes personal and political moral boundaries farther apart.
In: Philosophy and Politics - Critical Explorations 29
Introduction -- Part I: Framing algorithmic democracy -- Chapter 1. The democratic drift -- Part II: Ethical and political challenges of Algorithmic Democracy -- Chapter 2. The Second Age of Artificial Intelligence -- Chapter 3. The virtual politician: on algorithm-based political decision-making -- Chapter 4. Digital twins: on algorithm-based political participation -- Chapter 5. Platformization: the dangers of the artificial public sphere -- Chapter 6. Moral learning by algorithms: the possibility of developing morally intelligent technology -- Chapter 7. The metaverse: building a digital hyper-economy -- Part III: Against algorithmic democracy: scope and ethical-discursive perspectives for an expansion of deliberative democracy -- Chapter 8. Artificial ethics: on the automation of morality -- Chapter 9. Critique of algorithmic reason -- Chapter 10: Dialogic digital ethics: from explicability to participation -- Chapter 11: Civil society: an ethical framework for algorithmic democracy -- Chapter 12. Institutional design for an embedded algorithmic democracy -- Index.
"Being oblivious to the motivational nuances behind human behavior could lead one to overlook the distinction that a good action does not always indicate a good character. Conversely, this book argues that such nuances are paramount. Focusing on character over consequences is vital because motivational differences have fundamental implications for the welfare of the individual and society. Drawing on Aristotelian virtue ethics, the book argues that the utilitarian economic rhetoric, the rise of identity politics, and the growing commodification have allowed an illusion that moral and economic lives can be detached to take root in our culture. The book provides a robust philosophical argument articulating the inadequacy of the modern conception of morality (as a set of universal rules) that underlies economics and many modern-day institutions and aims to create a greater awareness of the connection between virtuous character and leading fulfilled lives. Integrating contemporary empirical findings with theoretical/philosophical insights, the book develops a coherent and convincing framework that could help transform the welfare ideology that underlies economic policies and modern institutions. This book is essential for anyone interested in questions of ethics in economics and related fields, including welfare economics, microeconomics, political economy, institutional economics, evolutionary economics, social economics, and behavioral economics"--
In: Studies in intelligence
"This book explores the ethics of national security intelligence institutions operating in contemporary liberal democracies. Intelligence collection by agencies such as the CIA, MI6, and Mossad involves practices that are apparently inconsistent with the principles of ordinary morality - practices such as lying, spying, manipulation, and covert action. However, in the defence of national security, such practices may not only be morally permissible, but may also under some circumstances be morally obligatory. One approach to the ethics of national security intelligence activity has been to draw from the just war tradition (so-called 'just intelligence theory'). This book identifies significant limitations of this approach and offers a new, institutionally based, teleological normative framework. In doing so, it revises some familiar principles designed for application to kinetic wars, such as necessity and proportionality, and invokes some additional ones, such as reciprocity and trust. It goes on to explore the applications of this framework and a revised set of principles for national security intelligence institutions and practices in contemporary and emerging political and technological settings. This book will be of much interest to students of intelligence studies, ethics, security studies and International Relations"--
Cover -- Half Title -- Series -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Note on Transliteration -- Contributors -- Introduction: Examining the Concept of Ḥayāʾ: Interpretations of Shame, Modesty, and Honor in Islam -- Part I Shame, Modesty, and Honor: Reflections on Various Conceptualizations -- 1 Shame and Muru.a in Medieval Islam (Danilo Marino) -- 2 Overcoming the Conceptual Link between Patriarchal Honor and Female Modesty Laws in the Islamic Interpretative Tradition (A -- 3 The Visible and Invisible Kaleidoscope of .aya.: Theologies and Mystics of Shame and Modesty in the Persianate World -- Part II Shame, Modesty, and Honor in Islamic Environments -- 4 Understanding Shame and Modesty in the Context of Muslim Marriage: Narratives of Syrian Refugee Women in Jordan (An Van -- 5 Shame, Exile, and Muslim Masculinity among the Bellah Refugees from Mali in Niger (Souleymane Diallo) -- 6 The Ultimate Vindication of Honor: Carok, Shame, and Islam in Madura, Indonesia (Yanwar Pribadi) -- 7 Islam, Modesty, and Dignity in Malaysia (Muhamad Ali) -- 8 Fashion, Clothing, and Modesty in Republican Turkey (1925-34) (Alberto Fabio Ambrosio) -- 9 Heshima and Sexuality beyond Marriage: Gendered Interpretations of Morality in Zanzibar (Marloes Hamelink) -- Part III Shame, Modesty, and Honor in Non-Muslim Countries -- 10 Coping with Honor, Shame, and Modesty: Muslims Undergoing Biomedical Treatments in Italy (Federica Sona) -- 11 Between Family and Friends: Honor, Shame, and the Politics of Eating and Drinking among South Asian British Muslims (John -- 12 Modesty and Malay/Muslim Women in Singapore: The Impact of Traditionalism and Revivalism (Nur Syafiqah Mohd Taufek an -- 13 Evolving Islamic Modesty in China: Confucianism, Arabization, and Sinicization (Wai-Yip Ho).
In: Transformations
The whiteness of consent / Jordan Pascoe -- Literatures of consent / Samantha Wallace -- SM, the law & an opaque sexual consent narrative / Alexandra Grolimund -- What's in a name (or even pronoun)? / EJ Francis Caris-Hamer -- "What do i call this?" : the role of consent in LGBTQA+ sexual practices and victimization experiences / Brooke de Heer -- How drunk is "too drunk" to consent? A summary of research on alcohol intoxication and sexual consent / Kristen Jozkowski and Carli Hoffacker -- Two wrongs make it right : perceptions of intoxicated consent / Laurie James-Hawkins and Veronica Lamarche -- Developing shared understandings of consent with young people / Cristyn Davies, Kerry H. Robinson, and Melissa Kang, with the Wellbeing, Health & Youth (WH&Y) Commission -- The right to withdraw consent to continuing an unwanted pregnancy / Aoife Duffy -- Unlearning agreement : imagining the law without consent / Patricia Palacios Zuloaga -- Consent work : facilitating informed consent in labour and childbirth / Laura Pascoe -- Consent and work : a postfeminist analysis of women's acquiescence to long working hours / Patricia Lewis -- Consent isn't just a girl's thing : consent and image based sexual abuse / Claire Meehan -- Negotiating consent in online kinky spaces / Liam Wignall and Mark McCormack -- Molka : consent, resistance, and the spy-cam epidemic in South Korea / Sarah Molisso -- Negotiating power, pleasure and agency in online sex work : unpacking what "consent" means in the context of "camming" / Panteá Farvid, Rebekah Nathan, Juliana Riccardi and Abigail Whitmer -- Sex games gone wrong : consent in the courts / Alexandra Fanghanel -- The mediation of school-based consent education debates in Australia / Kellie Burns, Suzanne Egan, Victoria Rawlings and Hannah Hayes -- Sex work politics and consent : the consequences of sexual morality / Helen Rand and Jessica Simpson -- Victim and perpetrator : reflecting upon sexual consent, autism and/or learning difficulties / Chrissie Rogers -- Whose consent? : donor conception, anonymity and rights / Róisín Ryan-Flood.
In: Africa's Global Engagement: Perspectives from Emerging Countries
Section I: Philosophical, Theoretical & Historical Overview Of The Responsibility To Protect -- Chapter I: Introduction -- Chapter II: Responsibility-to-Protect and a Tri-dimensional Methodology: Exploring the Epistemic-Morality of an Interventionist -- Chapter III: From Peacekeeping to the Responsibility to Protect: Unpacking the Genealogy and History of the RtoP Doctrine in the International Humanitarian System -- Section II: Theory & Practice Of The Responsibility To Protect In Africa -- Chapter IV: A Critical Reflection of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's Responsibility to Protect Intervention in Libya -- Chapter V: Horizontal Inequality - Armed Violence and the Responsibility to Protect in Africa: The Cote d'Ivoire Experience -- Chapter VI: Insurgency, Responsibility to Protect at the Expense of Local Protection in the Civilian Joint Task Force in the North-Eastern Region of Nigeria -- Chapter VII: The Sahel Region and the Dilemma of Civilian Protection: A Challenge to the Responsibility to Protect -- Chapter VIII: The Anglophone – Cameroon Conflict and the Responsibility to Protect -- Chapter IX: The Responsibility to Protect and International Community Response to the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria -- Chapter X: From Regionalization of Peacekeeping to the Responsibility to Protect in Africa: The Gambia Experience -- Chapter XI: The US Foreign Policy and the Responsibility to Protect in Africa -- Section III: Emerging & contending issues from the pratice of the responsibility to protect in africa -- Chapter XII: The African Union, Responsibility to Protect and the Mantra of African Solutions to African Problems -- Chapter XIII: Implementing the RtoP: Coordinating Approaches Between the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) -- Chapter XIV: Peace Enforcement In The Face of International Military Intervention -- Chapter XV: The Media, Armed Conflict, and the Responsibility to Protect -- Chapter XVI: Exploring the Legal Discourse on the Practice of the Responsibility to Protect in Africa -- Chapter XVII: Responsibility to Protect and the Avoidance of the Responsibility: Ending Atrocity Crimes in Northern Nigeria -- Chapter XVIII: Environmental Challenges, Climate Change and the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) In Africa -- Section IV: Institutionalization, consolidation & prospects of the responsibility to protect in africa -- Chapter XIX: From the Sustainable Development Goal 16 to the African Union's Silencing the Guns Agenda: Why is it so Difficult to Achieve Sustainable Peace and Stability in Africa? -- Chapter XX: Can the Responsibility to Protect Doctrine Act as a Deterrent against Mass Atrocity and Human Rights Infringement in Africa? -- Chapter XXI: The Responsibility to Protect (RtoP): Norm Institutionalization, Issues, and Challenges -- Chapter XXII: Responsibility to Protect: From Contestation to Internationalization.
In: Swiss political science review: SPSR = Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft : SZPW = Revue suisse de science politique : RSSP, Band 29, Heft 3, S. 271-289
ISSN: 1662-6370
AbstractThis article analyses parliamentary debates on marriage equality in Germany to understand what factors shape how parties deal with morality politics argumentatively. I argue that the internal divisions of parties and their coalition parties are crucial for the argumentation strategies used in parliamentary debates on morally charged wedge issues. Internally divided parties and parties that must be loyal to coalition partners confronted with internal divisions are likely to employ a discursive avoidance strategy to mitigate the potential for intra‐party and intra‐coalition polarization. To test this empirically, I examine the speeches of the German Bundestag on the Life Partnership Act in 2000 and Marriage for All in 2016 and 2017. The qualitative content analysis confirms my argument: The internally divided CDU and its coalition partners applied avoidance strategies by framing the issue primarily around constitutional principles and using procedural arguments, rather than framing the discourse as an issue of morality politics.ZusammenfassungDer Artikel analysiert parlamentarische Debatten zur Anerkennung gleichgeschlechtlicher Partnerschaften und Ehen in Deutschland, um zu verstehen, welche Faktoren die Argumentationen von Parteien im Wettbewerb um Moralpolitik beeinflussen. Ich argumentiere, dass die interne Spaltung von Parteien und ihrer Koalitionsparteien entscheidend für die Argumentationsstrategien ist, die in parlamentarischen Debatten über moralisch aufgeladene "wedge issues "verwendet werden. Intern gespaltene Parteien und Parteien, die loyal zu Koalitionspartnern sein müssen, die mit internen Spaltungen konfrontiert sind, verwenden eine diskursive Vermeidungsstrategie, um das Potenzial für eine innerparteiliche und koalitionsinterne Polarisierung abzuschwächen. Das Argument wird anhand einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse von Reden von Abgeordneten des Deutschen Bundestages zum Lebenspartnerschaftsgesetz im Jahr 2000 und zur Ehe für Alle im Jahr 2016/2017 bestätigt: Die innerparteilich zerstrittene CDU und ihre Koalitionspartner wendeten Vermeidungsstrategien an, indem sie das Thema in erster Linie in Zusammenhang mit verfassungsrechtlichen Grundsätzen thematisieren und prozedurale Argumente verwendeten, anstatt den Diskurs als eine moralpolitische Frage zu gestalten.RésuméCet article analyse les débats parlementaires afin de comprendre les facteurs qui façonnent la manière dont les partis traitent la politique morale sur le plan argumentatif. Je soutiens que les divisions au sein des partis et entre les partis d'une coalition représentent un facteur décisif dans les stratégies d'argumentation utilisées dans les débats parlementaires sur les questions morales portant à controverse (« wedge issues »). Les partis divisés en interne et les partis devant rester loyaux envers leurs partenaires de coalition, eux‐mêmes confrontés à des divisions internes, sont susceptibles d'employer une stratégie discursive d'évitement pour atténuer le potentiel de polarisation intra‐parti et intra‐coalition. Pour tester cela empiriquement, j'examine les discours du Bundestag allemand sur la loi relative au partenariat de vie enregistré en 2000 et celle instituant le mariage pour tous en 2016/17. L'analyse qualitative de ces textes confirme mon argument: La CDU, divisée en interne, et ses partenaires de coalition ont appliqué des stratégies d'évitement en abordant la question principalement autour des principes constitutionnels et en utilisant des arguments procéduraux, plutôt que de cadrer le discours comme une question de politique morale.
In: Routledge contemporary China series
"This book argues that a major part of the Chinese government's roadmap, formulated in 2017, to modernize China comprehensively by 2049 is the process of social disciplining. It contends that the Chinese state sees that modernisation and modernity encompass not only economic and political-administrative change but are also related to the organisation of society in general and the disciplining of this society and its individuals to create people with "modernised" minds and behaviour; and that, moreover, the Chinese state is aspiring to a modernity with "Chinese characteristics". The question of modernising by disciplining was extensively dealt with in the twentieth century by leading Western social scientists including Max Weber, Norbert Elias and Michel Foucault, who argued that disciplining, extending from external coercion towards the internalization of restraints, is indispensable for achieving social order and thereby for "civilisation" - but defined from a European perspective, in relation to developments in Europe. This book therefore not only discusses the Chinese experience of social disciplining, but by looking at a non-Western society it identifies universal tendencies of societal change and social disciplining and separates them from particular occurrences"--