The aim of this paper is to highlight the relevance of a geographical multilevel technology policy within the European Union. At the present time the European policy of innovation is a "community" policy, in other words it involves a sharing of skills. In this paper we argue that outside the problems that this situation inherently poses, this territorial organisation may be considered as an asset. We use the central concept of technology externalities, taken in its traditional shape and in its renewals, to provide theoretical justifications for a "territorialised technology policy", that is to say a policy of innovation designed and implemented on several territorial levels. Three levels are here taken into account : regional, national, European.
The aim of this paper is to highlight the relevance of a geographical multilevel technology policy within the European Union. At the present time the European policy of innovation is a "community" policy, in other words it involves a sharing of skills. In this paper we argue that outside the problems that this situation inherently poses, this territorial organisation may be considered as an asset. We use the central concept of technology externalities, taken in its traditional shape and in its renewals, to provide theoretical justifications for a "territorialised technology policy", that is to say a policy of innovation designed and implemented on several territorial levels. Three levels are here taken into account : regional, national, European.
The aim of this paper is to highlight the relevance of a geographical multilevel technology policy within the European Union. At the present time the European policy of innovation is a "community" policy, in other words it involves a sharing of skills. In this paper we argue that outside the problems that this situation inherently poses, this territorial organisation may be considered as an asset. We use the central concept of technology externalities, taken in its traditional shape and in its renewals, to provide theoretical justifications for a "territorialised technology policy", that is to say a policy of innovation designed and implemented on several territorial levels. Three levels are here taken into account : regional, national, European.
Abstract.While an important component of incumbent support, the effect of economic conditions on vote choice (economic voting) can be undermined by the presence of multilevel institutions; voters are faced with the prospect of evaluating economic conditions and governments at different levels simultaneously. This paper tests the applicability of a model which seeks to account for how and how well voters cope with the complexity of multilevel governance. The accountability-centred model suggests that federal and provincial governments should only be evaluated for those actions and outcomes that they can reasonably be seen to have influence over. Additionally, it is asked whether high information respondents are better able to navigate some of the complexities of Canada's multilevel system. Analyses are conducted using data from the 1993 and 1997 Canadian Election Studies.Résumé.Les conditions économiques constituent un facteur d'appui électoral important pour les dirigeants politiques. Il semble, toutefois, que l'impact de ce facteur soit amoindri dans les États présentant plusieurs niveaux de gouvernement. Dans les sociétés ayant des institutions multi-paliers, les électeurs ont en effet le défi d'attribuer les performances économiques aux divers paliers de gouvernement. Cet article teste un modèle théorique qui tente d'expliquer comment les électeurs se comportent face à la complexité de la gouvernance multi-paliers au Canada. Le modèle, centré sur la responsabilité des dirigeants, suggère que les gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux devraient uniquement être jugés pour les décisions et résultats politiques sur lesquels ils exercent manifestement une influence. Cet article examine, en outre, la question de savoir si les électeurs bien informés saisissent mieux la complexité de la gouvernance multi-paliers lorsqu'ils évaluent la performance des dirigeants. L'analyse se fonde sur les données de l'Étude électorale canadienne de 1993 et de 1997.
Aboriginal self-government is changing the governance landscape in Canada. This paper focuses on a little-studied aspect of aboriginal self-government arrangements, namely the horizontal dispersion of power among non-governmental institutions in the policy process. Nunavut, the Canadian territory created in 1999, offers a good example of this horizontal power dispersion. The Government of Nunavut is the only Canadian public government stemming from a land claim agreement. This creates a special set of obligations and entrenches a horizontal multilevel governance model, with a unique model of governance between a public government, the government of Nunavut (GN), that serves a predominantly Inuit population, and a nonprofit beneficiary organization, Nunavut Tunngavik Inc.(NTI), representing the Inuit of Nunavut. In this paper we map out the authority and legitimacy of these levels of governance and the impacts of this system on Nunavut public policies and access to resource development revenues.
Cities worldwide have taken the lead in addressing climate change; however, this does not tell the full story in understanding the puzzle of local climate action. Rather than in isolation, city actions occur in the context of a complex of other government arrangements. Whereas the majority of the literature concerning subnational responses to climate change in the US is addressed in the literatures of federalism and diffusion, we offer an explanation of climate actions through a multilevel governance approach. Multilevel governance allows us to consider the horizontal city-to-city influences on climate action while also considering the vertical influences of state-to-local action. We conduct a large quantitative study of climate actions in all US cities with populations greater than 50,000 people. We find that cities' and states' climate action efforts are complementary, rather than attenuating; however, we note that horizontal influences are generally stronger than vertical influences in motivating climate action at the local level. We conclude that, in spite of the potential for an increased role of federal and state governments in climate action in the United States, city-to-city networks are likely to remain important in motivating cities to mitigate climate change.
This article aims to show us the relation between the multilevel governance and the subsidiarity principle. The new provisions of the Lisbon Treaty will strengthen the democratic accountability of the EU and its institutions by creating new tools of communication and political dialogue. The early warning mechanism can also be used as a tool for a better consultation in order to identify specific concerns and expectations of the citizens or local and regional authorities.
AbstractDifferent streams of political research have pointed to two macro‐phenomena that appear as opposite at first glance: On the one hand, the increasing delegation of competencies to jurisdictions beyond the central government, resulting in the denationalization of political authority. On the other, the passing of reforms that reassert the centre of the nation state through policy integration and administrative coordination. In this article, we argue that these two processes can be analysed under a unified framework in terms of multilevel dynamics, whereby delegation ultimately elicits recentring reforms at the national level. To examine this argument and break down the mechanisms at work, we develop two sets of hypotheses: first, we theorise how the delegation of competencies to international organisations, sub‐national entities and independent agencies can eventually trigger recentring reforms; second, we propose that the capacity to act attributed to these actors also shapes such reforms. Our empirical analysis relies on an original dataset across four policy fields and 13 countries. By using multilevel regression models, we show that especially the delegation of competencies to agencies at the national level as well as the double delegation to European agencies increases the probability that governments pass recentring reforms. Furthermore, if these agencies have a stronger capacity to act, recentring becomes more likely. Our findings contribute to the development of multilevel governance as a dynamic theory of policy making.
The aim of our research is to examine the new trends in the hybridity research area and clarify the convergence of interests among state actors, private actors and civil society actors. Hybridity is conceived as a 'multidimensional phenomenon' and 'new paradigm' in tourism industry. The effective collaboration among public sector – private sector – civil society can be attained likelihood with taking into account regional governance and multilevel governance. In this study, it is argued that there is an inter-relationship between hybridity, multilevel governance and decentration. ; This research note was generated from the proceeding that was prepared for "TMS ALGARVE 2013 - INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON TOURISM & MANAGEMENT STUDIES" which was held at the University of Algarve in Portugal. Likewise, it was written in the framework of the project that is entitled "The National Hybridity Project: Innovative Governance, Judicial and Sociological Approaches in Turkey (Project Grant No: KUAP(I)2013/94)."
The study of multilevel governance (MLG) is fundamentally concerned with the capacity of MLG to effectively deal with policy problems. However, the notion of problem‐solving itself remains vague. Moreover, MLG research prioritizes questions of structure and agency, while neglecting the role and nature of policy problems themselves. This symposium defines problem‐solving in both procedural and operational terms. The introduction reviews relevant attributes of policy problems and existing assumptions about their influence on problem‐solving. By adding uncertainty, tractability, and three political attributes (power, conflict, salience), we propose an extended list of attributes of policy problems that matter for problem‐solving, and link them to different notions of procedural and operational problem‐solving in MLG. The contributions address the challenges facing problem‐solving in the European Union, adopting a particular focus on the characteristics of policy problems. Empirical cases include the European Semester, Brexit, the governance of the swine flu pandemic, and climate change.
Even though the province has been a territorial division unit since the unification of Italy, despite the passing of over 150 years it has not been able to obtain a clear institutional identity. Its existence has been repeatedly questioned with attempts of abolition followed by reactivation. The economic crisis of 2008 brought again into question the legitimacy and efficiency of the functioning of the province. The latter was about to be abolished by means of an unsuccessful constitutional reform, which was rejected in the constitutional referendum of December 4, 2016. Nevertheless, in 2014 Parliament adopted the so-called Delrio Act, which did not eliminate the province, but transformed it into the so-called wide territorial unit (enti territoriali di area vasta) together with the newly created metropolitan cities. In Sicily, the provinces were abolished and free consortia were created in their place, while in the Friuli-Venezia Giulia region inter-municipal territorial unions were formed. After the reforms carried out as a result of the economic crisis of 2008, the province became only one of many units of an intermediate level of the state structure and its actual significance was related to the policy of a particular region and assigned functions (regional rescaling). The weakening of the political position of the province is associated with its increasing dependence on the region, the elimination of the direct election of its organs, unpaid character of work in provincial bodies and the reduction of financial resources for existing competences. Choć prowincja jest jednostką podziału terytorialnego od zjednoczenia Włoch, to mimo upływu ponad 150 lat nie zdołała uzyskać jednoznacznej tożsamości instytucjonalnej. Podważono jest istnienie wielokrotnie, podejmując próby jej zniesienie a następnie reaktywacji. Kryzys ekonomiczny 2008 roku ponownie poddał pod dyskusję zasadność i efektywność funkcjonowania prowincji wraz z próbą jej likwidacji w drodze nieudanej reformy konstytucyjnej, która została odrzucona w referendum konstytucyjnym z 4 grudnia 2016 r. Parlament uchwalił jednak w 2014 r. tzw. ustawę Delrio, która wprawdzie nie zlikwidowała prowincji, ale przekształciła je w tzw. jednostki terytorialne o szerokim obszarze (enti territoriali di area vasta) wraz z nowopowstałymi miastami metropolitalnymi. Na Sycylii zniesiono prowincje a w ich miejsce utworzono wolne konsorcja, a w regionie Friuli-Wenecja Julijska międzygminne unie terytorialne. Po reformach przeprowadzonych w efekcie kryzysu ekonomicznego 2008 r. prowincja stała się jedną z wielu jednostek pośredniego poziomu struktury państwa, a jej faktyczne znaczenie związane było z polityką konkretnego regionu oraz przydzielonymi funkcjami (regional rescaling). Osłabienie pozycji ustrojowej prowincji wiąże się z coraz większym jej uzależnieniem od regionu, likwidacją bezpośredniego wyboru jej organów, bezpłatnym sprawowaniem funkcji w organach prowincji oraz zmniejszeniem środków finansowych na jej funkcjonowanie.