Suchergebnisse

On 1 July 2016 the presidents of Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru celebrated the 11th Summit of the Pacific Alliance (PA) in Puerto Varas, Chile. The PA members quite successfully practise a kind of joint "nation-branding" to promote trade and investment and to enhance their international status and visibility. Since its formation in 2012 the PA has attracted the interest of states and business sectors around the world. The PA is basically an economic strategic alliance designed to project and to promote the common interests of its member countries within Latin America and vis-à-vis the United States, Europe, and especially Asia. This explains why the PA is an organisation with many more observer states (49) than member states. These observer states include economic heavyweights such as Japan, China, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States, as well as three of the five Southern Common Market (Mercosur) countries and a member of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA). With its trade liberalisation agenda, the PA differentiates itself from other Latin American regional organisations, such as Mercosur and ALBA, and brings a new dynamic to Latin American economic integration. Moreover, it has revived Mexico as an external actor in the South American regional subs ystem. From a geopolitical perspective, the PA strengthens the Pacific shift in South America and economic links with Asia. Furthermore, it offers the US government new opportunities to promote its free trade agenda in Latin America at a time when Washington is showing renewed interest in L atin America. Policy Implications The four member countries of the PA "branded" themselves as gateways to Asia and as "good economies" compared to the "bad economies" of other more stateoriented economies in Latin America. With the recent political shift to the right in the region, the PA may become more influential and thus more capable of advancing trade liberalisation in Latin America. Likewise, the European Union may obtain greater leverage in its relations with Latin America through its close cooperation and free trade agreements with the PA countries.

This article examines the development of nation brand strategy framework for Zimbabwe. The submission is based on the analysis of factors perceived to impact on nation branding programmes. This research aim to contribute towards the development of effective nation branding discourse and practice in Zimbabwe. Specifically, the article was premised on the quest to 1) determine key determinants for the development of Brand Zimbabwe; 2) to ascertain the relative significance of the various facets of national branding practice; and 3) to propose an integrated conceptual framework for nation branding initiatives. The study was designed to follow a mixed approach; a combination of interpretivism and positivism. A total of 372 respondents was drawn from across the society. Respondents came from politicians, scholars, the media, civic organisations, government officials, church and international organisations. This research established that Brand Zimbabwe requires an independent body to integrate all key stakeholders for an effective branding process. The nation branding process should be managed from visioning, formulation through to deployment and monitoring and control of nation brand performance. Zimbabwe's quest for foreign direct investment, international visitation and export revenue requires that the country develops an integrated strategy to deal with its nation brand image question.

PART I. Branding the nation and selling the state : case studies -- Nation branding amidst civil war : publishing U.S. foreign policy documents to define and defend the republic, 1861-66 / William B. McAllister -- From the moralizing appeal for patriotic consumption to nation branding case studies : Austria and Switzerland / Oliver Kuhschelm -- Branding internationalism : displaying art and international cooperation in the interwar period / Ilaria Scaglia -- High culture to the rescue : Japan's nation branding in the United States, 1934-40 / John Gripentrog -- All publicity is good publicity? : advertising, public relations, and the branding of Spain in Britain, 1945-69 / Carolin Viktorin -- The art of branding : rethinking American cultural diplomacy during the Cold War / Michael L. Krenn -- Suriname : nation building and nation branding in a postcolonial state, 1945-2015 / Rosemarijn Hoefte -- A new brand for post-communist Europe / Beata Ociepka -- PART II. Promises and challenges of nation branding : commentaries on case studies -- Historicizing the relationship between nation branding and public diplomacy / Justin Hart -- Nation branding : a twenty-first century tradition / Melissa Aronczyk -- The history of nation branding and nation branding as history / Mads Mordhorst

Nation branding goes beyond simply government propaganda or tourism promotion, but rather consists of a multitude of activities that form a comprehensive, top-down, government driven and funded initiative that appropriates corporate branding strategies to a nation.

Nation Inc. and Postcolonial Neoliberalism -- From the East India Company to Nation, Inc. -- Nation-Branding: India Inc is Incredible India -- Taking Care of the Mother(land): Bollywood Patriotism and Young India -- Old and New Goddesses: Disrobing Indian Femininity -- Manufacturing Terror®: Destroying the Other through Nation-Branding

Recent years have seen an interesting development in practices and policies of nation branding. Alongside an emphasis in which nation branding programmes seek to activate desires of conspicuous consumption in consumers, or to use branded messages to attract investment, there has also been a growing emphasis placed on policy transfer as a part of nation branding strategies. To date, this shift towards the incorporation of policy transfer within nation branding practices had received only limited analysis. Questions that arise, therefore, include: why are countries increasingly shifting their nation branding programmes in this direction? What do they seek to gain by engaging in such exports? And should we take the ostensibly beneficent nature of such practices at face value? The aim of this working paper is therefore to consider what the shift to policy transfer may tell us about the developing politics of nation branding.

Indonesia has the potential of natural and cultural resources that stretch from Sabang to Merauke. This potential can be used as the biggest economic source for Indonesia from the tourism sector. Tourism is now one of the industries that have potential at the global level. Indonesia has the potential to take the attention of foreign tourists. The state has a role to take steps in supporting the progress of the tourism industry in Indonesia. Tourism diplomacy can be done through the government, private sector and community groups who have concerns about the tourism industry at the global level. The synergies of several parties are able to give a significant impact for the development of tourism in Indonesia. The purpose of diplomacy is to strengthen Indonesia's nation branding in the international world and Indonesia is able to compete in the global level.