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<p>This article examines state obligations under indigenous territorial rights. The cultural survival and development of indigenous peoples depends on their spiritual and factual connection with their lands. It argues that indigenous ancestral land rights derive from international and national law. Indigenous customs prefer a collective land tenure system to individual property rights. State obligations regarding indigenous ancestral land rights are based on international human rights treaties and national systems. In short, the paper argues that states have an obligation to respect, protect, and fulfil indigenous land rights. This article also examines their enforcement in the international and domestic arenas.</p><p><strong>Published online</strong>: 11 December 2017</p>

ABSTRACTThis paper identifies the protections in place for irregular migrants on the Mexico‐Guatemala border and analyzes Mexican government immigration enforcement policies and levels of compliance with international standards and national law. The history of the Mexico‐Guatemala border region and different types of migration flows into and through the area are also explored, as well as the linkages between migration, trade, security, and US immigration policy. It is argued that the Mexican government has partially complied with international conventions and national laws to protect the human rights of transmigrants in the Guatemalan border region, but that compliance is not complete and that an international response is required to ensure that human rights standards are upheld.

The valuation of assets is a challenging activity as well as a scientific discipline having an impact on the amount of the reported assets and economic result process. The report deals with the issue of valuation of the tangible fixed assets in the accounting entities compiling the financial statements pursuant to the Czech national legislation and in conformity with the requirements of the International Accounting Standards IAS/IFRS and US GAAP. The substantial differences in the definitions and valuation of the tangible fixed assets in these systems have been determined, indicating the impact on the economy of the accounting entity, both at the primary acquisition and as at the day of the closing of books. Attention has also been paid to the possibilities of recording the value decreases and to subsequent expenses. The analysis of legal regulations was completed with the analysis of the financial statements from selected economic entities. As per the international standards, the main difference consists in the possibility of component depreciation of tangible assets or, on the other hand, the possibility of group depreciation, in the differences in valuation in the event of acquisition paid for and of acquisition by one's own production, and in the possibility to consider the costs of disposal of assets. The subsequent expenses are also construed in a different manner: as per the Czech regulation, they are construed as repairs and maintenance. The substantial difference in comparison with the Czech regulation consists in the possibility of re-valuation of assets upwards as well as the method of actual value determination.

AbstractThe article discusses the implementation of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs) in the European Union against the backdrop of perennial debates between proponents of 'hard' versus 'soft' law approaches to preventing and redressing corporate‐related human rights violations. It argues that the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) – an EU governance instrument of transnational policy‐making – could contribute to negotiating the hard/soft law divide in business and human rights by ensuring a more effective implementation of the UNGPs in the European legal space. Moreover, the European experience with open coordination calls for a reappraisal of the relationship between international law and global governance in addressing today's business and human rights predicament. The first part of the article situates the debate between proponents of 'hard' and 'soft' law approaches to business and human rights in the context of two UN‐driven initiatives: the development of national action plans (NAPs) to implement the UNGPs; and the negotiation of an international business and human rights treaty. The second part of the article relates experiences with the existing NAP process in the European Union to the policy background and rationale of the Open Method of Coordination and discusses the conditions for its successful employment in the business and human rights domain.

The past several years have witnessed a five Justice majority of the Supreme Court enunciating increasingly severe limitations upon Congress' Article I powers. One effort by these five Justices has emanated from a unique explication of the Eleventh Amendment which began with Seminole Tribe v. Florida in 1996 and was expanded by three decisions announced on June 23, 1999. This Quartet of decisions has significantly limited congressional power. This doctrine, the author contends, represents a revival of the Calhounian nullification doctrine which was a primary intellectual underpinning of southern secession in the last century. [Justice Souter asserts that it is a revival of "industrial due process."] The article examines the doctrine as explicated by Seminole Tribe and its progeny as it establishes severe limits on Congressional power, enunciates an undefined doctrine of concurrent sovereignty between the states and the federal government, declares that the use of property is not within the ambit of the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, and reallocates the demarcation of the separation of powers by declaring that federal courts will not only ask what Congress did, but also why Congress did it, and whether Congress had sufficient evidentiary support to do it. The article surveys the impact this Quartet of decisions may have upon environmental law by examining the impact upon the jurisdictional reach of the Clean Water Act, whether a state may be held liable as a potentially responsible party under CERCLA by a private party, whether there is a new basis to challenge the National Ambient Air Quality Standards of the Clean Air Act, the implications for takings litigation, and the potential impact upon delegated authority and citizen suits. With the advent of the Calhounian Quartet, the article concludes, one is sailing upon uncharted seas without a compass, much less a global positioning system.

The article presents the essential and substantive characteristics of political law as a phenomenon of modern political and legal science. The synergistic relationship between the subject, principles, goals and objectives of political and constitutional law, fundamental institutions of politics and law is shown. It is argued that political law is not only the doctrinal basis of political phenomena and processes, but also one of the important components of the process of achieving political goals, goals and functions of political power, an inherent feature and strategic element of the mechanism of exercising political rights and freedoms.It is argued that the idea of combining in the subject of political science a system of categories related to the phenomena of political freedom, political power, political responsibility and other political and legal phenomena and processes must find expression in the system, functions, methodologies of political law, etc. The idea behind these and other political and legal categories is the essence of the subject of scientific knowledge about political law. First of all, this is reflected in the content of the objects studied in this field of political knowledge, reflected in the relevant concepts and other theoretical constructs. The idea of political power and political freedom, being a fundamental problem of modern political science, acts as a kind of philosophy and ideology of political law.It is concluded that in their unity are identified other aspects in the understanding of the essence of political law (including in the context of ideas and values of political science, its substantive and systemic and structural characteristics, including democracy, political freedom, political power, political responsibility, political consciousness, political order, political psychology, political forecasting, political compromise, etc.) allow us to speak about the existence of this phenomenon not only as an attractive conceptual model, but also an objective reality those having axiological, epistemological, ontological, civilization, institutional, constitutive, regulatory, functional and teleological, historical, national and mental parameters that have developed through evolution under the influence of the political ideas and principles, and the real practical political activities. ; У статті розкриваються сутнісні та змістовні характеристики політичного права як феномену сучасної політичної та юридичної науки. Показаний синергетичний зв'язок між предметом, принципами, цілями та завданнями політичного та конституційного права, фундаментальними інститутами політики та права. Доводиться, що політичне право є не лише доктринальною основою політичних явищ та процесів, а й одним із важливих компонентів процесу досягнення політичних завдань, цілей та функцій політичної влади, іманентною ознакою та стратегічним елементом механізму реалізації політичних прав та свобод.Стверджується, що ідея поєднання в предметі політології системи категорій, пов'язаних із явищами політичної свободи, політичної влади, політичної відповідальності та іншими політико-правовими явищами та процесами, повинна знайти своє вираження в системі, функціях, методології політичного права. Ідея, що стоїть за цими та іншими політико-правовими категоріями, полягає у сутності предмету наукових знань про політичне право. Перш за все, це відображається на змісті досліджуваних об'єктів у цій галузі політичних знань, відображених у відповідних концепціях та інших теоретичних конструкціях. Ідея політичної влади та політичної свободи, будучи фундаментальною проблемою сучасної політології, виступає як своєрідна філософія та ідеологія політичного права.Зроблено висновок, що тільки у своїй єдності різноманітні аспекти у розумінні сутності політичного права (у тому числі у контексті ідей та цінностей політичної науки, її змістовних та системно-структурних характеристик, серед яких демократія, політична свобода, політична влада, політична відповідальність, політична свідомість, політичний порядок, політична психологія, політичне прогнозування, політичний компроміс тощо) дозволяють говорити про існування даного феномену не лише як привабливої концептуальної моделі, а й об'єктивної реальності, яка має аксіологічні, гносеологічні, онтологічні, цивілізаційні, інституціональні, конститутивні, нормативні, функціонально-телеологічні, історичні, національні та ментальні параметри, які еволюційним шляхом склалися під впливом відповідних політичних ідей та принципів, а також реальної практичної політичної діяльності.

The article presents the essential and substantive characteristics of political law as a phenomenon of modern political and legal science. The synergistic relationship between the subject, principles, goals and objectives of political and constitutional law, fundamental institutions of politics and law is shown. It is argued that political law is not only the doctrinal basis of political phenomena and processes, but also one of the important components of the process of achieving political goals, goals and functions of political power, an inherent feature and strategic element of the mechanism of exercising political rights and freedoms.It is argued that the idea of combining in the subject of political science a system of categories related to the phenomena of political freedom, political power, political responsibility and other political and legal phenomena and processes must find expression in the system, functions, methodologies of political law, etc. The idea behind these and other political and legal categories is the essence of the subject of scientific knowledge about political law. First of all, this is reflected in the content of the objects studied in this field of political knowledge, reflected in the relevant concepts and other theoretical constructs. The idea of political power and political freedom, being a fundamental problem of modern political science, acts as a kind of philosophy and ideology of political law.It is concluded that in their unity are identified other aspects in the understanding of the essence of political law (including in the context of ideas and values of political science, its substantive and systemic and structural characteristics, including democracy, political freedom, political power, political responsibility, political consciousness, political order, political psychology, political forecasting, political compromise, etc.) allow us to speak about the existence of this phenomenon not only as an attractive conceptual model, but also an objective reality those having axiological, epistemological, ontological, civilization, institutional, constitutive, regulatory, functional and teleological, historical, national and mental parameters that have developed through evolution under the influence of the political ideas and principles, and the real practical political activities. ; У статті розкриваються сутнісні та змістовні характеристики політичного права як феномену сучасної політичної та юридичної науки. Показаний синергетичний зв'язок між предметом, принципами, цілями та завданнями політичного та конституційного права, фундаментальними інститутами політики та права. Доводиться, що політичне право є не лише доктринальною основою політичних явищ та процесів, а й одним із важливих компонентів процесу досягнення політичних завдань, цілей та функцій політичної влади, іманентною ознакою та стратегічним елементом механізму реалізації політичних прав та свобод.Стверджується, що ідея поєднання в предметі політології системи категорій, пов'язаних із явищами політичної свободи, політичної влади, політичної відповідальності та іншими політико-правовими явищами та процесами, повинна знайти своє вираження в системі, функціях, методології політичного права. Ідея, що стоїть за цими та іншими політико-правовими категоріями, полягає у сутності предмету наукових знань про політичне право. Перш за все, це відображається на змісті досліджуваних об'єктів у цій галузі політичних знань, відображених у відповідних концепціях та інших теоретичних конструкціях. Ідея політичної влади та політичної свободи, будучи фундаментальною проблемою сучасної політології, виступає як своєрідна філософія та ідеологія політичного права.Зроблено висновок, що тільки у своїй єдності різноманітні аспекти у розумінні сутності політичного права (у тому числі у контексті ідей та цінностей політичної науки, її змістовних та системно-структурних характеристик, серед яких демократія, політична свобода, політична влада, політична відповідальність, політична свідомість, політичний порядок, політична психологія, політичне прогнозування, політичний компроміс тощо) дозволяють говорити про існування даного феномену не лише як привабливої концептуальної моделі, а й об'єктивної реальності, яка має аксіологічні, гносеологічні, онтологічні, цивілізаційні, інституціональні, конститутивні, нормативні, функціонально-телеологічні, історичні, національні та ментальні параметри, які еволюційним шляхом склалися під впливом відповідних політичних ідей та принципів, а також реальної практичної політичної діяльності.

This essay is one of a series destined to appear in a Foundation Press book, Administrative Law Stories, now set for publication in the fall of 2005. The decision in Citizens to Preserve Overton Park v. Volpe represents a transition from political to judicial controls over decisions broadly affecting a wide range of community interests. Unmistakable and dramatic as it is, that transition is not universally applauded. But the transition was striking and quick. The late sixties and early seventies saw an explosion of new national legislation on social and environmental issues, that often provided explicitly or implicitly for citizen remedies. In many respects, Overton Park marked the turn. It was an example, as well, of the success of highly motivated recent law school graduates in contributing to major developments in national law. If for that reason alone, it is a fitting subject for a collection of essays intended to give students a more concrete sense of their subject. Stories are uniquely the product of a narrator's vision. For a case, like this one, that has appeared to different participants in remarkably different ways, what seems appropriate is to attempt to see how the course of events leading to decision in Overton Park might have appeared through a number of eyes. Of course, the reader has only one narrator; but he has attempted to people the pages of the essay and evoke their varying perspectives as faithfully as his research and capacity for empathetic understanding permit. Much of what follows draws on an earlier essay, Revisiting Overton Park, which appeared in the pages of the UCLA Law Review in 1992 and on the sensitive story-setting "reply" contributed by Prof. Lucie White. The release of the papers of Justices Blackmun, Brennan and Marshall for public view, and the availability of transcripts of oral argument in the United States Supreme Court library and litigation files in the possession of CPOP Attorney John Vardaman, have permitted supplementing the 1992 account.

The infrastructure for the third generation of mobile telephony, UMTS, is under construction in Sweden. Within three years four operators were to build competing systems to cover 99,98 % of the population. The case of the 3G infrastructure illustrates how sustainability issues are handled in planning and environmental management, with conflicting goals between institutional levels and contradictory legislation. At the national level economic and technological optimism and regional policy is in conflict with environmental and sustainability goals. No comprehensive assessment was made of the entire system; the infrastructure is assessed through one permit for each mast, at the local level, giving the administrative system an extreme challenge, and giving unexpected environmental and social outcomes as a result from the lack of comprehensive assessment. Based on surveys of all local planning authorities, a regional sample of permit processes and examination of legal cases the paper examines the outcomes of the fragmented assessment of the local permit process level, from a sustainability perspective. What are the emerging effects and conflicts? The role of law in central planning with local outcomes in the case of regulating and controlling spatial planning in the case of 3G, will be analysed in this paper.

When do parliaments debate European Union policies? Normative arguments suggest that debates enhance government accountability. Others warn of government bias, declining debate near elections, and parties avoiding Eurosceptic publics. Our conclusions are more differentiated. We argue that rank-and-file parliamentarians rather than leaders initiate debates. Political incentives guide their debate selection towards salient policies in the countries in which voters care most. However, where the motivation Eurosceptic publics provide and institutions facilitating rank-and-file agenda-setting are lacking, EU law-making and European Council priorities will raise little parliamentary attention. Analysis of original data, using a Bayesian and multilevel framework, lends credibility to our views. Claims of a government bias, election effects, or trends towards more debate are unlikely to hold in all countries.

The article explores the provisions of the Directive (EU) 2019/790 on copyright and related rights in the Digital Single Market and the question of the adaptation of Ukrainian legislation to its provisions. It highlights importance of the Directive provisions for the development of national law on fair compensation to authors and performers for the use of works and performances. ; В статті досліджуються положення Директиви 2019/790/ЄС про авторське право в єдиному цифровому ринку та питання адаптації законодавства України. Зазначається істотність положень Директиви для розвитку національного законодавства щодо виплати справедливої винагороди авторам та виконавцям за використання творів та виконань.

The article explores the provisions of the Directive (EU) 2019/790 on copyright and related rights in the Digital Single Market and the question of the adaptation of Ukrainian legislation to its provisions. It highlights importance of the Directive provisions for the development of national law on fair compensation to authors and performers for the use of works and performances. ; В статті досліджуються положення Директиви 2019/790/ЄС про авторське право в єдиному цифровому ринку та питання адаптації законодавства України. Зазначається істотність положень Директиви для розвитку національного законодавства щодо виплати справедливої винагороди авторам та виконавцям за використання творів та виконань.

The conventional wisdom holds that the only point of consensus in the fractious US immigration debate is that the system is broken. Yet, the US public has consistently expressed a desire for a legal and orderly immigration system that serves compelling national interests. This paper describes how to create such a system. It focuses on the cornerstone of immigration reform,1 the legal immigration system,2 and addresses the widespread belief that broad reform will incentivize illegal migration and ultimately lead to another large undocumented population. The paper begins with an analysis of presidential signing statements on seminal immigration legislation over nearly a century. These statements reveal broad consensus on the interests and values that the United States seeks to advance through its immigration and refugee policies. They constitute additional common ground in the immigration debate. To serve these interests, immigration and refugee considerations must be "mainstreamed" into other policy processes. In addition, its policies will be more successful if they are seen to benefit or, at least, not to discriminate against migrant-sending states. Not surprisingly, the US immigration system does not reflect the vast, mostly unanticipated changes in the nation and the world since Congress last meaningfully reformed this system (27 years ago) and last overhauled the law (52 years ago). The paper does not detail the well-documented ways that US immigration laws fall short of serving the nation's economic, family, humanitarian, and rule of law objectives. Nor does it propose specific changes in categories and levels of admission. Rather, it describes how a legal immigration system might be broadly structured to deliver on its promises. In particular, it makes the case that Congress should create a flexible system that serves compelling national interests, allows for real time adjustments in admission based on evidence and independent analysis, and vests the executive with appropriate discretion in administering the law. The paper also argues that the United States should anticipate and accommodate the needs of persons compelled to migrate by its military, trade, development, and other commitments. In addition, the US immigration system needs to be able to distinguish between undocumented immigrants, and refugees and asylum seekers, and to treat these two populations differently. The paper assumes that there will be continued bipartisan support for immigration enforcement. However, even with a strong enforcement apparatus in place and an adaptable, coherent, evidence-based legal immigration system that closely aligns with US interests, some (reduced) level of illegal migration will persist. The paper offers a sweeping, historical analysis of how this population emerged, why it has grown and contracted, and how estimates of its size have been politically exploited. Legalization is often viewed as the third rail of immigration reform. Yet, Congress has regularly legalized discrete undocumented populations, and the combination of a well-structured legalization program, strengthened legal immigration system, and strong enforcement policies can prevent the reemergence of a large-scale undocumented population. In contrast, the immense US enforcement apparatus will work at cross-purposes to US interests and values, absent broader reform. The paper ends with a series of recommendations to reform the legal immigration system, downsize the current undocumented population, and ensure its permanent reduction. It proposes that the United States "reissue" (or reuse) the visas of persons who emigrate, as a way to promote legal immigration reform without significantly increasing annual visa numbers.