The Nationalization of Politics. The Formation of National Electorates and Party Systems in Western Europe
In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 137-139
ISSN: 0048-8402
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In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 137-139
ISSN: 0048-8402
In: Il politico: rivista italiana di scienze politiche ; rivista quardrimestrale, Band 76, Heft 3, S. 267-285
ISSN: 0032-325X
The history of intellectual migrations, scientific exchange and international cooperation is a field of research which has been recognized recently as a potentially rich subject in new perspectives also for contemporary Italy. The one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of Italy unification, coincident with the birth of the national university system, provides a good opportunity to reflect on the historic evolution of a policy of openness to international scientific mobility, so difficult and late in our country. This paper proposes a rapid analysis of university policy in this matter focusing a path which knows progress and regress from the nationalization of educational system in 1859 to Erasmus Projects in 1987. Adapted from the source document.
In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.b3151699
La leggi di popolazione ed il sistema sociale.--Carlo Darwin e l'economia politica.--La terra ed il sistema sociale.--La nazionalizzazione della terra. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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A confrontation between the actions adopted by the Italian authorities in South Tyrol and Istria after the Great War, in order to establish the primary education in areas, which could be differently defined multi-language speaking. In South Tyrol the question was particularly focused in the so called Unterland between Bolzano and Salorno, inhabited also by an Italian minority, weak in dimension and in social condition. The comparison with the Istrian scenario highlights some evident contradictions: while in South Tyrol they attempted to support some Italian peasants' communities in coming back to their ancient nation, also when integrated from generations to the German cultural and economical surround. On the other hand, in Istria they acted to complete and quicken the italianization of Croatian or hybrid villages, obstructing the re-opening of the schools or substituting them with Italian ones. The research throws light on authorities' intentions and political ability, and contributes to tell the social conditions of the two regions and how they reacted to the annexation.
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Ce papier se propose de lire les contributions de l'ouvrage à l'aune d'une réflexion sur l'historicité de l'État au Proche-Orient. Plutôt que de défendre l'idée d'une revanche, sous forme atavique, des sociétés sur le processus paradoxal «d'étatisation des sociétés» et de «privatisation des États» qui furent l'œuvre des entreprises coloniales puis des régimes autoritaires, il prône plutôt une approche compréhensive et historicisée des processus par lesquels s'expriment, de façon très contemporaine, dans les lendemains des soulèvements de 2011 des représentations et des pratiques variées de l'État – y compris un État représenté par ses défauts. Loin de l'ériger en formule politique indépassable, ni de le reléguer au cimetière des objets caducs ou exogènes, il s'agit au contraire donc de plaider pour un retour à l'histoire certes, mais à l'histoire buissonnière pour ainsi dire. Une histoire des catégories employées pour décrire la réalité sociale et les représentations, lignes de clivages, enjeux tangibles qu'elles peuvent receler (en ce sens, l'État reste un objet de narration avec des effets performatifs très variés de l'Irak jusqu'au Liban, en passant par la Palestine); et une histoire par en bas, sociologisée, et soucieuse des 'petits' acteurs dont la relation à l'État n'épuise pas les ressorts de citoyenneté. Les sociétés contemporaines du Proche-Orient s'avèrent de remarquables sites d'analyse non pas de faillite des États, mais des formes complexes, mutantes et non exclusives d'États dans leurs sociétés. ; Questo articolo si propone di leggere i contributi del volume attraverso una riflessione sulla storicità dello Stato nel Vicino Oriente. Piuttosto che difendere l'idea di una rivincita, in forma atavica, delle società sul processo paradossale della loro «statalizzazione» e della «privatizzazione degli Stati», che furono l'opera delle imprese coloniali, e poi degli Stati autoritari, questo articolo propende per un approccio comprensivo e storicizzato dei processi attraverso i quali si esprimono, in maniera molto contemporanea, all'indomani delle rivolte del 2011, rappresentazioni e pratiche dello Stato assai diversificate, ivi compreso uno Stato rappresentato dalle sue deficienze. Lungi dall'erigerlo in formula politica assoluta (di cui non si puo' fare a meno), e senza relegarlo nel cimitero degli oggetti caduchi o esogeni, si tratta al contrario di pronunciarsi per un ritorno alla storia, certo, ma alla storia non ufficiale, per così dire, una storia delle categorie impiegate per descrivere la realtà sociale e le rappresentazioni, linee di spartizione, elementi tangibili che queste categorie possono celare (in questo senso lo Stato resta un oggetto di narrazione, con degli aspetti performativi molto vari, dall'Iraq fino al Libano, passando per la Palestina); e una storia dal basso, sociologizzata, e attenta ai 'piccoli' attori, la cui relazione allo Stato non esaurisce i riflessi di cittadinanza. Le società contemporanee del Vicino Oriente si rivelano degli eccezionali luoghi di analisi, non del fallimento degli Stati, ma delle forme complesse, mutanti e non esclusive, di Stati nelle loro società.
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2011/2012 ; I studied the relationships between politics and religion around the sites of memory in North Adriatic border region in late modern age. This means that I have discovered how the National tradition developed in German and Austrian culture in 19th century, synthetically defined by G. Mosse's category Nationalization of the Masses, became a foundamental paradigm both in Italian and Slovenian civil religions of the region, until the second half of 20th century. Using both Italian and Slovenian sources, I am trying to analyze the relation of Italian and Slovenian border society with their history and memory, and how these influences had affected public opinion and collective conscience. ; XXV Ciclo ; 1981
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What does the bust of Luigi Cibrario, who never was a professor, have to do with the rest of scholars present in the gallery of the University building? A wise person would perhaps answer with a political interpretation. The marble monument of Cibrario was inspired by a non-scientific need: the necessity of proving that the Risorgimento counted among its actors not only martyrs of patriotic battles but also scholars who fought the enemy with history. Cibrario, Piedmontese and moderate, demonstrated, by proving it, that the House of Savoy was a thoroughly Italian dynasty. He then gained a valid reason for standing among the most acclaimed ones: those who contributed to the nationalization of monarchy. Wether Cibrario's thesis was scientifically correct, that is another question.
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What does the bust of Luigi Cibrario, who never was a professor, have to do with the rest of scholars present in the gallery of the University building? A wise person would perhaps answer with a political interpretation. The marble monument of Cibrario was inspired by a non-scientific need: the necessity of proving that the Risorgimento counted among its actors not only martyrs ofpatriotic battles but also scholars who fought the enemy with history. Cibrario, Piedmontese andmoderate, demonstrated, by proving it, that the House of Savoy was a thoroughly Italian dynasty.He then gained a valid reason for standing among the most acclaimed ones: those who contributedto the nationalization of monarchy. Wether Cibrario's thesis was scientifically correct, that isanother question.
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In: Il politico: rivista italiana di scienze politiche ; rivista quardrimestrale, Band 69, Heft 2, S. 339-373
ISSN: 0032-325X
During the 20th century intervention with respect to economic & productive activity became a normal practice for nearly all states. While, in the nineteenth century, laissez-faire liberalism generally prevailed, & the defence of private property was considered the fundamental role of the state, the twentieth century saw the affirmation in some countries of Marxist-Leninist theories, which assigned the state property rights in the means of production, the arrival on the world scene of the new Keynesian approach, which assigned the state the role of promoting & stabilizing economic & social development, &, lastly, the great world revolution consisting in colonial emancipation, which, though a political phenomenon, constituted an implicit move towards economic independence. All of these factors brought about an upheaval in the situation that had been consolidated since the second half of the 19th century -- a century that saw the consolidation of a hegemony of the most developed countries which exercised control over the natural resources of less developed countries, above all of the colonies conquered by European states in the period of imperialist expansion. The problem of nationalizations, or international expropriations, arose out of the conflict that developed between countries exporting capital, which tended to protect the property of their citizens abroad, & countries importing capital, which decided without warning to take over full responsibility for their own economic resources. It is crucial to note, in this connection, the presence, on the one hand of states with a long liberal tradition, which have often suffered losses in terms of the property of their own citizens &, on the other hand, of international actors exhibiting a socialist state structure or of recent liberal tradition, which claim sovereignty over their own resources. For this reason, international nationalizations need to be re-examined in the light of the ideological, political & economic structure of the single states. They concern, in other words, national sovereignty, general political economy choices, the position held within the international community & relations with various other international state-actors, aiming, in the last analysis, to take account of the role adopted, since the 1960s, by the main international organization, the United Nations. Adapted from the source document.
In: Il politico: rivista italiana di scienze politiche ; rivista quardrimestrale, Band 75, Heft 2, S. 187-209
ISSN: 0032-325X
In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 27-55
ISSN: 0048-8402
Redefining territoriality is a crucial aspect of the changing nature of public policies in a multi-level, 'post-national' polity. New forms of territoriality in spatial development policies can be thus seen as a key analytical dimension of change in the state's role & rationales in defining public policies. The article addresses emergent practices of territorial governance in a perspective of inquiry on state change, with particular reference to western European countries. The changing nexus between territoriality & the state is addressed according to a 'governance approach' that privileges a policy-driven interpretation of change, & builds on a theoretical framework largely alternative to traditional 'state-centered' approaches. Reference goes to new conceptualizations of socio-spatial structuration processes in the social sciences & to critical reassessments of related geographical concepts in political economy & geography. Particular attention goes to the notion of 'scale', & to 'rescaling' -- i.e. the redefinition of the geographical scales of state regulation & governance -- as a key dimension of state restructuring processes. In this perspective, state-theoretical regulationist approaches are discussed that emphasize the scalar dimension of state restructuring as a key response to the changing position of the state as a site of regulation in a context of inter- & trans-nationalization. References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Il politico: rivista italiana di scienze politiche ; rivista quardrimestrale, Band 67, Heft 3, S. 473-522
ISSN: 0032-325X
The National Library Service has formed part of the political and professional agenda of the Italian Library Association for many years.From a certain point of view the idea of an SBN as developed by the AIB is in line with the political tradition of the Association or with what can be considered the 'modern' political story of the Association that had begun in the Sixties: awareness of the plurality of the institutional levels of our country, regionalism, institutional cooperation, nationalization of state intervention. Now we must have the courage to imagine a new frontier for Italian libraries and for the SBN. The SBN cannot coincide either with a computer project, or just with a bibliographic system. We must imagine a new cooperative environment that will permit all Italian libraries to deliver a minimum level of services and to create value for citizens. A cooperative environment based on libraries rather than institutional levels, on inclusion and not on assimilation, on plurality, on diversity and on sharing of values and objectives. An environment that will look to the future and that will call young librarians especially to trace its outlines so promoting the contribution of new cultures, able to dare and imagine the new without an excessive respect for consolidated convictions.A new cooperative environment requires courageous political action from the Association: new cooperation semantics must be drawn up, cooperation must be extended even to areas beyond libraries, a new language and new rules must be shared, a different division of national and local services must be imagined, the national services must be restructured basing them on an Italian National Library that in a federated perspective can be a reference point for the memory and future of the country and may contribute to the construction of its European identity. Above all it is necessary to create a sort of distributive community in which all actors, all communities that belong to it contribute to developing a chain of values for Italian citizens, in which service is more important than software, in which the user is more important than the catalogue, in which the future is more important than the past and its burdensome inheritance. ; The National Library Service has formed part of the political and professional agenda of the Italian Library Association for many years.From a certain point of view the idea of an SBN as developed by the AIB is in line with the political tradition of the Association or with what can be considered the 'modern' political story of the Association that had begun in the Sixties: awareness of the plurality of the institutional levels of our country, regionalism, institutional cooperation, nationalization of state intervention. Now we must have the courage to imagine a new frontier for Italian libraries and for the SBN. The SBN cannot coincide either with a computer project, or just with a bibliographic system. We must imagine a new cooperative environment that will permit all Italian libraries to deliver a minimum level of services and to create value for citizens. A cooperative environment based on libraries rather than institutional levels, on inclusion and not on assimilation, on plurality, on diversity and on sharing of values and objectives. An environment that will look to the future and that will call young librarians especially to trace its outlines so promoting the contribution of new cultures, able to dare and imagine the new without an excessive respect for consolidated convictions.A new cooperative environment requires courageous political action from the Association: new cooperation semantics must be drawn up, cooperation must be extended even to areas beyond libraries, a new language and new rules must be shared, a different division of national and local services must be imagined, the national services must be restructured basing them on an Italian National Library that in a federated perspective can be a reference point for the memory and future of the country and may contribute to the construction of its European identity. Above all it is necessary to create a sort of distributive community in which all actors, all communities that belong to it contribute to developing a chain of values for Italian citizens, in which service is more important than software, in which the user is more important than the catalogue, in which the future is more important than the past and its burdensome inheritance.
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L'articolo rilegge i tentativi di nazionalizzazione del Regno delle Due Sicilie mediante lo studio delle opere sull'Italia preromana a Napoli come in Sicilia. Nella parte continentale del regno l'insistenza sulla specifica origine greca delle popolazioni meridionali venne utile per legittimare nei termini di una specifica nazionalità il nuovo ordine statuale. Quella proposta venne tuttavia presto avversata da alcuni autori siciliani, per i quali la scelta di uniformare sotto il segno della Grecia classica il tratto storico-antropologico di tutto il Mezzogiorno subordinava l'isola a Napoli: da qui la riscoperta delle antiche popolazioni indigene, siculi e sicani, considerati al pari se non più dei greci, antesignani delle popolazioni isolane. Nello scontro si sarebbe inserito il dibattito circa le libertà italiche conculcate dall'espansionismo romano, reso celebre in tutta Italia dalle opere di Cuoco e Micali: il riferimento a un lontano passato di libertà sulle prime venne utile alla Sicilia soltanto per rifiutare la supremazia di Napoli, ma dopo il 1860 consentì, di qua come di là dal Faro, di compiere una scelta comunque condizionata in favore dell'Unità. ; The essay is focused on the nationalization of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies through the study of the historical works devoted to the pre-roman Italy in Naples and in Sicily. In the continental part of the Kingdom, many scholars exalted the specific Greek origins of the southItaly people with the aim to legitimate the new social and political situation, under the terms of a specific nationality. However this proposal was soon rejected by some Sicilian authors, because the choice of aligning the whole southern features under the heritage of the Classical Greece subordinated the island to Naples: for this reasons many Sicilian scholars identified in the ancient local people, Sicles and Siacanians, the authentic forefathers of the island. In that duel had a main role the debate about the Roman Empire, guilty of being the destroyer of the italic liberties, made well-known by Cuoco and Micali: the reference to a far past of freedom was at first useful to Sicily only to reject the supremacy of Naples, but after 1860 it allowed to make a choice conditioned in favor of the Unity.
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L'analisi storica delle pratiche museali di Public History riconduce ad un piano propriamente storiografico il rapporto – per alcuni antitetico – tra scienza e uso pubblico della storia. Per riflettere sulle implicazioni sociali e politiche di queste forme di narrazione del passato, la ricerca ricostruisce la formazione e lo sviluppo della raccolta di fonti sulla Grande guerra in seno al Museo del Risorgimento di Milano nel periodo tra le due guerre mondiali. Più precisamente, assumendo le prospettive della storia culturale, la ricerca si interroga sul ruolo che l'immaginario storico reificato in un allestimento museale ha avuto nel processo di nazionalizzazione delle masse in Italia. L'approfondimento della figura e dell'opera di Antonio Monti (direttore, 1925-45) ha permesso di inquadrare il processo di formazione e sviluppo dell'Archivio-Museo di Guerra all'interno di un contesto sociale, politico e scientifico che precisa le conoscenze fino ad oggi acquisite dagli studi circa la dinamica tra centro e periferia, e circa le fasi della memoria sulla guerra. Oltre allo studio delle fonti documentarie di diversa natura conservate presso le Civiche Raccolte Storiche di Milano (es. documenti cartacei, carteggi, cimeli, opere grafiche), la ricerca si è avvalsa di fonti a stampa (opuscoli, volumi e periodici) e fonti archivistiche proprie. Tra quelle primarie, le principali sono i registri di carico, gli schedari, i cataloghi e gli altri strumenti di corredo prodotti dal museo; queste fonti sono state considerate dal punto di vista quantitativo e qualitativo, sia nell'aspetto materiale che in quello immateriale. A partire dall'analisi archivistica, dallo studio della prassi di gestione documentaria e dalla relazione tra spazio organizzato e spazio descritto, le pratiche museali di narrazione sulla Grande guerra sono state considerate anzitutto come organizzazione materiale dello spazio (nell'archivio, nella biblioteca e nel museo). La storia museale delle fonti ricostruisce le reti di relazioni che conferiscono significato al patrimonio storico conservato, spostando l'attenzione dal piano dell'immaterialità delle rappresentazioni a quello della materialità delle fonti. La sintesi interpretativa si è avvalsa invece di categorie antropologiche: nello scambio continuo tra realtà e immaginazione, il museo opera come dispositivo di risignificazione, che – attraverso le azioni precipue di raccogliere, ordinare ed esporre – modifica le reti di relazioni tra le fonti trasformando di conseguenza il loro stesso significato. Il museo storico, che sancisce attraverso il dono un patto sociale con il pubblico, è lo spazio del rituale di passaggio che accoglie la fase di riaggregazione delle memorie private nella dimensione pubblica della storia della nazione. Attraverso questo rituale, il significato dell'esperienza di guerra viene trasformato da evento traumatico legato al lutto a mito di rigenerazione in continuità col Risorgimento. In conclusione, l'analisi del caso milanese ha permesso di evidenziare le specificità delle reti di relazioni facendo emergere i diversi significati celati dalla rappresentazione oleografica conforme alla "memoria totalitaria" imposta dal fascismo. Infine, l'approccio scientifico che emerge da queste pratiche di uso pubblico della storia è stato identificato nella prodizione di strumenti che dessero conto dello spostamento delle fonti nello spazio durante la loro storia museale. ; The historical analysis of museums' Public History practices brings the relation between science and public use of history – often regarded as antithetical - into the historiographical dimension. In order to reflect on the social and political implications of these types of narration of the past, our research reconstructs the formation and development of the collection of the Great War sources from Milan Museum of Risorgimento between the two World Wars. By taking the standpoint of Cultural History, our research questions the role that the historical imagery, embodied in a museum installation, has had in the process of nationalization of the masses in Italy. The follow-up on the figure and work of Antonio Monti (Director, 1925-45) enabled us to frame the process of formation and development of the War Archive-Museum within a social, political and scientific context that clarifies the knowledge gathered so far about the dynamics between center and periphery, as well as about the phases of the memory of war. Besides the study of documentary sources of various nature from Milan's Civiche Raccolte Storiche (eg. paper documents, correspondence, memorabilia, graphics), the research made use of published sources (brochures, volumes, periodics) and proper archival sources. Among the primary archival sources, the main ones are the registers, card files, catalogs, and the other sets of documentation produced by the museum. The material and immaterial aspects of these sources have been analyzed from both a qualitative and a quantitative point of view. Starting from the archive analysis, from the study of the document management system, and finanlly from the relation between organized and described space, the museum practices concerning the Great War narration have been mainly construed as a material organization of the space (respectively in the archive, in the library, and in the museum). The museum history of the sources reshapes the relational network that gives meaning to the preserved historic heritage, shifting the focus from the immateriality of the representations to the materiality of the sources. On the other hand, the interpretative synthesis made use of anthropological cathegories: within the continuous exchange between reality and imagination, the museum acts as a resignification device that, through the actions of gathering, organizing and displaying, modifies the relational network between the sources, therefore changing their meaning. The history museum enshrines a social pact with the public through the gift, and becomes the scenery of a rite of passage that accomodates the reaggregation of private memories into the public dimension of the history of the nation. Through this rite, the meaning of the war experience is turned from a traumatic event linked to mourning, into a rigeneration myth, thus continuing the action of the Risorgimento. In conclusion, the analysis of the Milan case has allowed us to highlight the specificity of relational networks, unravelling the different meanings hidden by the oleographic representation consistent with the "totalitarian memory" imposed by the Fascist regime. Lastly, the scientific approach emerging from such practices of public use of history has been identified in the production of instruments that allow one to account for the spatial movement of the sources during their museum history.
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