Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Many active European volcanoes and volcano observatories are island-based and located far from their administrative "mainland". Consequently, Governments have developed multisite approaches, in which monitoring is performed by a network of individuals distributed across several national research centers. At a transnational level, multinational networks are also progressively emerging. Piton de la Fournaise (La Réunion Island, France) is one such example. Piton de la Fournaise is one of the most active volcanoes of the World, and is located at the greatest distance from its "mainland" than any other vulnerable "overseas" site, the observatory being 9365 km from its governing body in Paris. Effusive risk is high, so that a well-coordinated and rapid response involving near-real time delivery of trusted, validated and operational product for hazard assessment is critical. Here we review how near-real time assessments of lava flow propagation were developed using rapid provision, and update, of key source terms through a dynamic and open integration of near-real time remote sensing, modeling and measurement capabilities on both the national and international level. The multi-national system evolved during the five effusive crises of 2014–2015, and is now mature for Piton de la Fournaise. This review allows us to identify strong and weak points in an extended observatory system, and demonstrates that enhanced multi-national integration can have fundamental implications in scientific hazard assessment and response during an on-going effusive crisis

The absence of formal institutions regulating water resources indicated a need to examine how informal governance works in semi-arid areas of the Lake Zone of Tanzania. Ostrom's theory of common property resources was adapted to develop a questionnaire administered to 162 households using five different water sources (lake/dam, ponds near lake/dam, ponds, wells and waterholes) along with focus group discussions (6), key informant interviews (33) and field observations. The results indicated that communities do not have water management systems where water is abundant (lake/dam and ponds near these water sources). Conversely, where water is scarce (ponds, wells and water holes), communal water management occurs. However, such communal water governances are location specific and limited and, though they appear to function well at preventing water exhaustion, they fail to resolve the complex social dilemmas in that ecological system. Thus, most water resources are dominated by households with sound economic resource base, they take deliberate efforts to establish private wells in wetlands to intercept underground resources, raising issues of equity, contamination of underground water resources and human safety. Sandy river beds seemed to represent the worst 'tragedy' of unmanaged common resources, often being located in 'no-man's land' between districts or regions, with uncontrolled competition resulting in enormous water holes dug by local resource users from both sides, and exhaustion by those with the deepest waterholes and access to engine-driven pumps. There are two water main crises: (1) too little is available to meet the current demand during an annual prolonged dry season (6-7 months) and (2) increasing social dilemmas on how to manage the little available. How external interventions could address these issues is discussed.

Social confidence in the Argentinean government is low: the independence of the Supreme Court has been shattered; and the rule of law continues to be eroded, as the government tramples on the property rights of private firms and public debt-holders. Because it seems unlikely that Argentina can overcome its political deficiencies in the near future, its prospects for full economic recovery are limited, regardless of which economic reforms it implements. (InWent/GIGA)

The concept of "Social Europe" encompasses the European Union's social policy framework. This paper argues that the financial crisis of 2007-2009, the subsequent Euro crisis, and the ensuing austerity measures diverted significant attention away from Social Europe. This neglect led to declining living standards, reductions in public services, and the emergence of critical challenges such as the gig economy. In recent years, the COVID-19 pandemic has further exacerbated these issues, prompting a renewed focus on Social Europe by EU institutions. This paper conducts a chronological analysis of recent legislative (acquis) and non-legislative (soft power) instruments implemented to address these challenges and assesses the prospects of Social Europe in the near term.

Рассмотрен феномен политического кризиса в локальном измерении. Выделены основные экологические, экономические, социальные и иные причины локальных кризисов.Проанализирован характер протекания кризиса локального характера в различных политических системах. Рассмотрены основные особенности развития кризисов на местном уровне в условиях постсоветской политической реальности. Исследован зарубежный и отечественный опыт антикризисного управления на локальном уровне. Рассмотрены принципы и перспективы использования GR-управления в условиях кризиса. Исследовано влияние кризисов локального характера на развитие протестных движений. ; The purpose of the article is to research mainfeatures of political crises at municipal level.Modern city is a product of globalization andurbanization, it is extremely vulnerable tocrises and threats of the global world. A city isan indicator of problems of the entire state,because crises in a particular city may appearmuch sharper than in the state as a whole.The causes of the crises are lack of municipalfunds for the effective exercise of its powersand paternalistic attitudes of the population,preventing the perception of the object of theirvillage government and their unwillingness toparticipate in the resolution local problems.Local political crises often happen in newdemocratic states that used to be parts ofSocialist bloc and colonial empires. Local crisesin Tallinn (Estonia), Istanbul (Turkey), Moscow(Russia), Zhanaozen (Kazakhstan) becamenational ones and lead to clashes between theauthorities and opposition and civil movements.Local crises in Western states (for example, inDetroit, Michigan) usually do not lead to seriousconsequences outside the city.Unsatisfactory work of local governmentsin Ukraine, the reluctance of local authoritiesto deal with the arbitrariness of businessand environmental degradation have led tostrengthening of the protest movement inthe cities and villages. So, in 2009, protests inTernopol and Lvov regions have been successful:dumps near some settlements were eliminated.In 2010 in Kharkov the movement against theconstruction of a road through the park wasorganized, but the success of this action hasnot been reached. Local crises in Ukraine havebecome a serious threat to political stability inthe whole state.Considering the prospects of overcoming somenegative effects of local political crises, we shouldpay attention to government relations as a specialtype of activity associated with the protectionof the interests of the local community in itsrelations with the central government. GR unitsare created not only in private companies, butalso in local governments. GR specialists manageregulatory risks and minimize them, achieve andmaintain the most efficient interaction betweenbusiness, government and local self-governance.Lack of transparency and extreme corruptionof Ukrainian authorities and local governmenthinder the development of the GR in Ukraine.Consequently, the efficiency of the system oflocal government is extremely low, and crises arenot resolved. ; Розглянуто феномен політичної кризи улокальному вимірі. Виокремлено основніекологічні, економічні, соціальні та інші причинилокальних криз. У статті проаналізованохарактер протікання кризи на локальному рівні урізних політичних системах. Розглянуто основніособливості розвитку криз на місцевому рівні вумовах пострадянської політичної реальності, утому числі в Україні. Досліджено зарубіжний тавітчизняний досвід антикризового управлінняна локальному рівні. Розглянуто принципи іперспективи використання GR-управлінняу кризових умовах. Досліджено особливостівпливу локальних криз на формування ірозвиток протестних рухів.

The Union nationale des associations familiales (UNAF) -- national union of family associations -- makes families interests be represented near the French government. With its special status & large means, UNAF confederate ideologically diverse family associations. Although its representativeness has been sometimes subject of controversy, UNAF has been a permanent stakeholder of family policies governance. Major systemic transformations can be noticed during seventies & nineties. The comparison between the two periods of time shows that intensity variation of the relation between the State & UNAF was due to government initiative, that forced UNAF to adapt itself to be perennial. Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

In November 2019, the fourth meeting on Volcano Observatory Best Practices workshop was held in Mexico City as a series of talks, discussions, and panels. Volcanologists from around the world offered suggestions for ways to optimize volcano-observatory crisis operations. By crisis, we mean unrest that may or may not lead to eruption, the eruption itself, or its aftermath, all of which require analysis and communications by the observatory. During a crisis, the priority of the observatory should be to acquire, process, analyze, and interpret data in a timely manner. A primary goal is to communicate effectively with the authorities in charge of civil protection. Crisis operations should rely upon exhaustive planning in the years prior to any actual unrest or eruptions. Ideally, nearly everything that observatories do during a crisis should be envisioned, prepared, and practiced prior to the actual event. Pre-existing agreements and exercises with academic and government collaborators will minimize confusion about roles and responsibilities. In the situation where planning is unfinished, observatories should prioritize close ties and communications with the land and civil-defense authorities near the most threatening volcanoes. ; Published ; 3 ; 6SR VULCANI – Servizi e ricerca per la società ; N/A or not JCR

ABSTRACTThis article focuses on local agency in two near-famines in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Flanders. Our comparative analysis of the food crises of 1740 and 1845–1847 in Flanders exposes the local mechanisms of coping and protection, both in an informal and a formal way. The main thesis is that the impact of hunger crises in peasant societies is directly related to the level of stress absorption within the local village community. Our findings contradict the traditional vision of a more-or-less straightforward shift in famine crisis management from rural, local and informal to urban, supra-local and formal. The success of surmounting a food crisis has always had local roots.

Though they have historically been close, Moscow and Tehran have had to redefine their relationship following the demise of the USSR. This relationship entails, among other things, different approaches to political developments in the Middle East, ambiguous cooperation on nuclear and conventional weapons and a shared perspective on the Syrian crisis. Both capitals should nevertheless take care to make sure that their positions on the latter do not alienate major players in the region. (Politique étrangère (Paris) / SWP)

International audience ; In November 2019, the fourth Volcano Observatory Best Practices workshop was held in Mexico City as a series of talks, discussions, and panels. Volcanologists from around the world offered suggestions for ways to optimize volcano-observatory crisis operations. By crisis, we mean unrest that may or may not lead to eruption, the eruption itself, or its aftermath, all of which require analysis and communications by the observatory. During a crisis, the priority of the observatory should be to acquire, process, analyze, and interpret data in a timely manner. A primary goal is to communicate effectively with the authorities in charge of civil protection. Crisis operations should rely upon exhaustive planning in the years prior to any actual unrest or eruptions. Ideally, nearly everything that observatories do during a crisis should be envisioned, prepared, and practiced prior to the actual event. Pre-existing agreements and exercises with academic and government collaborators will minimize confusion about roles and responsibilities. In the situation where planning is unfinished, observatories should prioritize close ties and communications with the land and civil-defense authorities near the most threatening volcanoes. To a large extent, volcanic crises become social crises, and any volcano observatory should have a communication strategy, a lead communicator, regular status updates, and a network of colleagues outside the observatory who can provide similar messaging to a public that desires consistent and authoritative information. Checklists permit tired observatory staff to fulfill their duties without forgetting key communications, data streams, or protocols that need regular fulfilment (Bretton et al. Volcanic Unrest. Advances in Volcanology, 2018; Newhall et al. Bull Volcanol 64:3–20, 2020). Observatory leaders need to manage staff workload to prevent exhaustion and ensure that expertise is available as needed. Event trees and regular group discussions encourage multi-disciplinary ...

International audience ; In November 2019, the fourth Volcano Observatory Best Practices workshop was held in Mexico City as a series of talks, discussions, and panels. Volcanologists from around the world offered suggestions for ways to optimize volcano-observatory crisis operations. By crisis, we mean unrest that may or may not lead to eruption, the eruption itself, or its aftermath, all of which require analysis and communications by the observatory. During a crisis, the priority of the observatory should be to acquire, process, analyze, and interpret data in a timely manner. A primary goal is to communicate effectively with the authorities in charge of civil protection. Crisis operations should rely upon exhaustive planning in the years prior to any actual unrest or eruptions. Ideally, nearly everything that observatories do during a crisis should be envisioned, prepared, and practiced prior to the actual event. Pre-existing agreements and exercises with academic and government collaborators will minimize confusion about roles and responsibilities. In the situation where planning is unfinished, observatories should prioritize close ties and communications with the land and civil-defense authorities near the most threatening volcanoes. To a large extent, volcanic crises become social crises, and any volcano observatory should have a communication strategy, a lead communicator, regular status updates, and a network of colleagues outside the observatory who can provide similar messaging to a public that desires consistent and authoritative information. Checklists permit tired observatory staff to fulfill their duties without forgetting key communications, data streams, or protocols that need regular fulfilment (Bretton et al. Volcanic Unrest. Advances in Volcanology, 2018; Newhall et al. Bull Volcanol 64:3–20, 2020). Observatory leaders need to manage staff workload to prevent exhaustion and ensure that expertise is available as needed. Event trees and regular group discussions encourage multi-disciplinary ...

Belçika, Lijphart'ın teorisyenliğini yaptığı oydaşmacı demokrasinin en güzel örneği olarak gösterilen ülkesi iken, ülkede baş gösteren siyasi sıkıntılar bunun böyle olmadığını ortaya çıkarmıştır. Gerçekte Belçika'da olan yüzyıllardır süren bir mücadelenin ve dilsel özgürlük çabalarının günümüze kadar ulaşan yansımalarından başka bir şey değildir. Belçika, Flamanlar ve Volanlar adı verilen, Flamanca ve Fransızca konuşan iki büyük toplumun federal bir devlette yaşadığı bir ülkedir. Ülke tarihi bu iki dil grubunun birbirleriyle olan demokratik hak talebi mücadeleleri ile şekillenmiştir. Bu mücadeleler dilsel özgürlükler üzerinedir. Mücadeleler o kadar güçlü olmaktadır ki, siyasi hayatına üniter bir devlet olarak başlayan Belçika, 1970 yılında federal devlete dönüşmüştür. Ayrıca dil ile ilgili haklar bağlamında da defalarca anayasal değişiklik yapılmıştır. Bu değişimlerden dolayı bazıları, sistemin konfedere bir yapıya dönüşeceğini hatta bunun iki tarafın bağımsızlığına kadar varabileceğini iddia etmektedirler. Başlangıçta toplumun gerilimli alanlarını aşmak ve topluluklara dilsel özgürlüklerini kazandırmak için uygulanan oydaşmacı model, Belçika'nın üniter devletten federal yapıya dönüşmesine neden olmuştur. Oydaşmacı demokrasinin ülkeyi birlikte tutmaya ne zamana kadar gücü yetecektir bilinmez ama yakın zamanda bir ayrılık beklemek de yanlış olacaktır. Bu bağlamdan çalışmanın konusu oydaşmacı modelin özellikleri ve Belçika'daki uygulamalarının araştırılması, amacı ise Belçika'daki sorunların oydaşmacı demokrasi ile ilintisinin incelenmesidir. ; While Belgium was shown as the best example of Lijphart's model of the consociational democracy, political troubles in the country have revealed that this is not the case. In fact, what is happening in Belgium is nothing more than the reflections of centuries of struggle and linguistic freedom efforts that have reached today. Belgium is a country where Flemings and Walloons -Flemish and French-speaking communities- live in the form of a federal government. The history of the country has been shaped by the struggles of these two language groups against each other for democratic rights. The main focus of these struggles is on linguistic freedoms. The struggles are so strong that Belgium, which began its political life as a unitary state, with the constitutional changes that were made in 1970, was separated into linguistic areas and started to apply the power sharing feature of the consociational democracy model properly. The country became a federal state as a result of the constitutional reform in 1993. Besides, constitutional amendments have been made several times in the context of language rights. Because of these changes, some argue that the system could turn into a confederation, and even reach the independence of the two sides. It is not known how long the consociational democracy, which was initially applied in order to transcend the tensioned areas of society and in order to give linguistic freedom to communities, will manage to hold the country together, however, it would be wrong to expect a separation in the near future. In this context, the subject of the study is to investigate the characteristics of the consociational model and its applications in Belgium. Its aim is to examine the relevance of the problems in Belgium to consociational democracy.

In this article I examine the friction between xenophobic discourses on migration and the crisis caused by the politics of austerity in Greece. On the one hand, an 'excessive' influx of migration is managed through violent means by the state and the para-state; on the other, a 'scarcity' of domestic resources is blamed for a 'rise' in racist attitudes, and the political ascent of a fascist movement-cum-parliamentary party, Xρνσή Aνγή (Golden Dawn). 'Crisis' is said to give rise to 'austerity'—and hostility. Inverting the inverted causal relationship between crisis, austerity and hostility, I problematise representations of hostility towards migrants that construct racism as a consequence of economic conditions or even as the antidote to the 'bitter pill' Greeks have been forced to swallow. I examine how racialised and gendered violence secures the politics of austerity in Greece focusing on three eruptions of violence (the feminicidal acid attack on Konstantina Kouneva, the murder of Shehzad Luqman and the drowning of eleven refugees near the island of Farmakonisi). I draw concrete connections between the politics of austerity and what, drawing on Sara Ahmed, might be termed an 'affective economy of hostility' that articulates racialised and gendered modes of belonging and estrangement. Some bodies are rendered vulnerable and precarious, while others assert an entitled relation to national space while being economically disentitled by austerity measures.

Chapitre 4 : Crise et évolutions : La Babylonie sous les Diadoques (323-305); Partie II. Le IIIe s. séleucide ou la constitution d'un nouvel empire oriental? (305-187); Introduction; Chapitre 5 : Les Séleucides et le territoire babylonien; Chapitre 6 : L'économie séleucide en Basse-Mésopotamie; Partie III. L'économie des sanctuaires suméro-akkadiens (IIIe s. av. J.-C.); Introduction; Chapitre 7 : Les sanctuaires et l'économie du culte; Chapitre 8 : Le système prébendaire à l'époque hellénistique : le cas urukéen.

The Gaza Strip in Palestine has been classified in recent years by the United Nations as one of the areas of greatest humanitarian emergency. Considering the situation of war and economic blockade imposed by the State of Israel on the Palestinian population settled in this territory, it is meritorious to analyze how these situations of crisis and conflict obstruct the power to guarantee an effective food security, violating precepts and principles of International Humanitarian Law, as well as agreements on global development. Although literature about the conflict between Palestine and Israel is broad, few studies Case analysis of the Gaza Strip shows that food security understood as: availability, access, biological use of food and stability, cannot be effectively guaranteed in situations of armed conflict. The bibliographical sources consulted mostly correspond to reports from international cooperation agencies and non governmental organizations who have carried out humanitarian action in this area of the Near East and provide relevant information in the understanding and analysis of Gaza population reality. ; La Franja de Gaza en Palestina ha sido catalogada en los últimos años por Naciones Unidas como una de las zonas de mayor emergencia humanitaria. Considerando la situación de conflicto bélico y bloqueo económico impuesto por el Estado de Israel a la población palestina asentada en este territorio, resulta meritorio analizar la forma en que estas situaciones de crisis y conflicto obstruyen el poder garantizar una efectiva seguridad alimentaria, violentando preceptos y principios de Derecho Internacional Humanitario, así como acuerdos contraídos en materia de desarrollo global. A pesar que la literatura existente sobre el conflicto de Palestina e Israel es amplia, son pocos los estudios que abordan de forma empírica el tema de la seguridad alimentaria desde el enfoque de la teoría del conflicto social. El análisis del caso de la Franja de Gaza evidencia que los pilares de la seguridad alimentaria: disponibilidad, acceso, utilización biológica de los alimentos y la estabilidad, no es posible garantizarlo de forma efectiva en situaciones de existencia de conflicto bélico. Las fuentes bibliográficas consultadas corresponden en su mayoría a informes de agencias de cooperación y organismos no gubernamentales internacionales, quienes han ejercido funciones de acción humanitaria en esta zona de Oriente Próximo y aportan datos relevantes en la comprensión y análisis de la realidad que vive la población de Gaza.