Testing neoliberal institutionalism in Southeast Asia
In: International journal / Canadian Institute of International Affairs, Band 50, Heft 4, S. 779-804
ISSN: 0020-7020
In: International journal / Canadian Institute of International Affairs, Band 50, Heft 4, S. 779-804
ISSN: 0020-7020
World Affairs Online
In: International journal / Canadian Institute of International Affairs, Band 50, Heft 4, S. 779-804
ISSN: 2052-465X
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 97-119
ISSN: 0020-8833, 1079-1760
World Affairs Online
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 97-119
ISSN: 1468-2478
In: International organization, Band 53, Heft 2, S. 343-377
ISSN: 0020-8183
Der Autor führt neoliberale und realistische Ansichten zur Bedeutung von Bündnissen zusammen und bietet einen ergänzenden Ansatz für eine Theorie der internationalen Beziehungen. Seine These ist, daß unter bestimmten Voraussetzungen Bündnisse die Konflikte ihrer Mitglieder verschärfen können. Sein Testfall sind die sicherheitspolitischen Beziehungen zwischen der Türkei und Griechenland, insbesondere der Zypernkonflikt, im Kontext der NATO Mitgliedschaft.(SWP-Plb)
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In: Security studies, Band 7 (1997/98), Heft 4, S. 44-87
ISSN: 0963-6412
World Affairs Online
In: Global governance: a review of multilateralism and international organizations, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 119
ISSN: 2468-0958, 1075-2846
In: International politics, Band 37, Heft 3, S. 301-321
ISSN: 1384-5748
World Affairs Online
In: Review of international studies: RIS, Band 27, Heft 3, S. 395-414
ISSN: 0260-2105
World Affairs Online
In: Politics & policy, Band 25, Heft 1, S. 111-132
ISSN: 1747-1346
Neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism are unable to account for the variability states exhibit when it comes to the subject of collective security systems because neither approach controls for the impact domestic politics can have on a state's ability to participate in this type of multilateral institution. A domestic structures perspective can address this shortcoming by highlighting the influence domestic political norms and institutions can exert in regard to a state's ability to make international security commitments and its ability to contribute to multilateral enforcement efforts. This essay provides evidence in support of these claims and outlines a research agenda for investigating the consequences domestic politics may hold for the viability and efficacy of collective security institutions.
In: International organization, Band 52, Heft 4, S. 855-885
ISSN: 1531-5088
Social constructivism in international relations has come into its own during the past decade, not only as a metatheoretical critique of currently dominant neo-utilitarian approaches (neo-realism and neoliberal institutionalism) but increasingly in the form of detailed empirical findings and theoretical insights. Constructivism addresses many of the same issues addressed by neo-utilitarianism, though from a different vantage and, therefore, with different effect. It also concerns itself with issues that neo-utilitarianism treats by assumption, discounts, ignores, or simply cannot apprehend within its characteristic ontology and/or epistemology. The constructivist project has sought to open up the relatively narrow theoretical confines of conventional approaches—by pushing them back to problematize the interests and identities of actors; deeper to incorporate the intersubjective bases of social action and social order; and into the dimensions of space and time to establish international structure as contingent practice, constraining social action but also being (re)created and, therefore, potentially transformed by it.
In: American political science review, Band 91, Heft 3, S. 515-529
ISSN: 1537-5943
Although the role of reciprocity in international cooperation is central to neoliberal institutionalism, empirical understanding of the concept remains weak. We analyze strategic response patterns—the use of reciprocity or inverse response (bullying)—in the Bosnia conflict from 1992 to 1995. We construct weekly time series of conflict and cooperation among the parties to the Bosnia war, using machine-coded events data. Time-series statistical analysis identifies several important patterns of strategic response, both reciprocal and inverse. These include bilateral responses, which are central to the concepts of reciprocity and evolution of cooperation, and triangular responses, which are central to the debates on containment versus accommodation in regional conflicts. Specifically, Serb forces displayed inverse triangular response, cooperating toward Bosnia after being punished by NATO. Outside powers displayed triangular reciprocity, increasing hostility toward Serb forces after Serbian attacks on the Bosnian government.
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 41, Heft 1, S. 91-116
ISSN: 1552-8766
Alliances are promises of cooperation, but allies typically have to bargain over what policy should be adopted when a given contingency arises. Whether this bargaining leads to collaborative outcomes and what form cooperation by allies takes have important implications for the effectiveness of an alliance. Neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism, the author argues, do not provide adequate explanations for this problem because they mischaracterize, or fail to come to grips with, the bargaining process at work. To redress such shortcomings, the author turns to game theory, providing a general model of intra-alliance bargaining. The model's insights are then used to interpret the historical record on U.S. Bosnia policy from 1991 until the fall of 1995. The author shows how domestic and international considerations affected the preferences and beliefs of the Bush and Clinton administrations. These led, as suggested by the model, to the U.S. tendency to avoid bargaining hard with the NATO allies and to pursue compromise strategies with them in the Bosnian crisis.
In: American political science review, Band 91, Heft 3, S. 515-529
ISSN: 0003-0554
Although the role of reciprocity in international cooperation is central to neoliberal institutionalism, empirical understanding of the concept remains weak. We analyze strategic response patterns - the use of reciprocity or inverse response (bullying) - in the Bosnia conflict from 1992 to 1995. We construct weekly time series of conflict and cooperation among the parties to the Bosnia war, using machine-coded events data. Time-series statistical analysis identifies several important patterns of strategic response, both reciprocal and inverse. These include bilateral responses, which are central to the concepts of reciprocity and evolution of cooperation, and triangular responses, which are central to the debates on containment versus accommodation in regional conflicts. Specifically, Serb forces displayed inverse triangular response, cooperating toward Bosnia after being punished by NATO. Outside powers displayed triangular reciprocity, increasing hostility toward Serb forces after Serbian attacks on the Bosnian government. (American Political Science Review / FUB)
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In: Review of international political economy: RIPE, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 194-204
ISSN: 0969-2290
A review essay on books edited by: Stephen Gill, Gramsci, Historical Materialism and International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 1993); & Ronen P. Palan & Barry Gills, Transcending the State-Global Divide: A Neostructuralist Agenda in International Relations (London & Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1994 [see listings in IRPS No. 87]). With the view that neither neorealism nor neoliberal institutionalism is able to provide adequate explanations of intersubjective understanding of IR/IPE (international relations/international political economy), the twenty authors represented in these volumes argue for a change in ontology & analysis & seek to engage in a theoretic discourse of postpositivism. Gill's book offers 4 chapters on key aspects of Gramscian thought & on US policy toward the Third World, global hegemonies, Soviet socialism & passive revolution, global governance, & the future of Europe. The argument is clear: a reconstructed historical materialist analysis of IR/IPE developed from Gramscian concepts provides one way forward from the contemporary crisis of neorealism/neoliberalism. Each chapter in Palan & Gills's book is broadly neostructuralist & looks at different issues & problems from different disciplinary bases. The separation of economics, politics, international relations, geography, & sociology is challenged. The message could be stronger with a discussion of the theoretical implications for neorealism/neoliberalism of the neostructural agenda & a chapter on neostructuralist views on gender & political economy. 7 References. V. Wagener