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This article examines the reasons for adopting a non‑institutional character of the Visegrad cooperation in the years 1991‑1992. Its focus concerns two causes of the initial reluctance to institutionalise the Visegrad Group: the high level of unpredictability in Central Europe after the collapse of Communism and the symbolic role the Group was expected to play outside the region. These issues are considered through the prism of two theories in International Relations: neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism. Both provide theoreti‑ cal grounds to support the research hypothesis which assumes that the infor‑ mal character of the Visegrad cooperation was a pragmatic choice of its found‑ ing members. However, neorealist and neoliberal explanations of how the political background and security issues could have influenced their decision vary. The article concludes that the neorealist approach holds more explana‑ tory power in this regard, suggesting that the choice of the Visegrad states was dictated by the preservation of their national interests and subjected to ex‑ ternal limitations, rather than motivated by a common intention to facilitate their regional cooperation. ; Arkadiusz Nyzio

As an emerging geopolitical hotspot, will the future of the Arctic be dominated by conflict or cooperation among states? With the potential for vast natural resources and the promise of transpolar shipping, the opening Arctic may be the new frontier for global competition. This thesis uses two theories of international relations, neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism, to evaluate the geopolitical landscape of an opening Arctic. This thesis argues that the characterization of the Arctic as a zone of either competition or cooperation is overly simplistic. While structural neorealist theory can accurately account for some of the Arctic countries' behavior, it is unable to explain forms of cooperation existing and emerging among them. In addition to laying out the overall state of cooperation and conflict among the Arctic countries, this thesis also examines two cases in detail: conflicts between Russia and Norway over the Barents Sea, and the United States and Canada over the Northwest Passage. Neorealism fails to account fully for the emergence of cooperation in the form of an equitable treaty on the maritime delimitation line between Russian and Norway. The international regimes were enablers of inter-state cooperation in the U.S.-Canadian case, and were a contributing factor in dispute settlement. ; http://archive.org/details/arcticsovereignt1094510589 ; US Navy (USN) author

"International Political Economy: Overview and Conceptualization" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Nuclear Proliferation and Non-Proliferation" published on by Oxford University Press.

This book examines three bipolar relationships that have emerged as a result of the Eurasian energy triangle-Russia-Former Soviet Union region, Russia-EU, and Russia-China-and the ways in which they, along with Putin's foreign energy policy, relate to the debate between neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism.

AbstractThis article looks at the issue of the dramatic rise of street homelessness in London among Polish migrants from the perspective of social anthropology looking at the relationship between structural constraints faced by Polish migrants and their own perception of the social world, their meaning‐making practices, norms and values, behavioral patterns. As I will show, focusing just on structural and economic determinants not only offers a simplistic and one‐dimensional picture but it also fails to give an explanation and predict what happens if these constraints and exclusionary policies are removed and homeless migrants gain the same set of social rights as the rest of British and EU citizens (which in theory will happen in May 2011). An anthropological approach to the functions, roles and cultural meanings of homelessness, group bonds, masculinities, alcohol consumption, perception of the state and dominant society as voiced by homeless migrants I 'hanged around' with, reveals that structurally rejected people with particular backgrounds reconstruct communities and form strong ties despite (or because of) a hostile, exclusionary and hegemonic social environment of the neoliberal order. Two conclusions are drawn from this analysis, empirical and theoretical: first, taking both structural and cultural factors into account, the levels of homeless among that group is going to rise, at least in London; second, the set of cultural forms of behavior and social practices described in academic literature as the homo sovieticus syndrome (Wedel 1986, Sztompka 2000, Morawska 1998) proves not only valuable and resourceful in highly individualized, neoliberal and capitalistic society but may in fact be reinforced in new conditions being a productive – socially and culturally ‐ counter‐reaction to the neoliberal order of social life in the global city.

The article dwells on two distinct forms of modern liberalism that one can encounter in modern international relations. The first one is called neoliberal institutionalism, justly relying on the idea of global political and economic institutions, governing world society, whereas the latter bears the sound title of new liberalism that in its turn evokes the grandiloquent and complex ideas of global justice, being an indispensable commodity of the global political system.

According to neoliberal institutionalism, states create international institutions to limit information asymmetries, monitor compliance, and ensure the credibility of commitments to agreed-upon policies-in short, to minimize transaction costs. Although this view can help explain the delegation of powers to supranational bodies such as the European Commission, it cannot account for the signature of the Élysée Treaty between France and Germany in January 1963, which reversed the logic of supranational delegation. Understanding the causes and the consequences of this apparently anomalous event is therefore a major challenge facing scholars of international organizations, European integration, and German foreign policy alike. To start addressing the issue, this article develops an explanation based on incomplete contracts theory. In a nutshell, I argue that the Élysée Treaty aimed at securing the equal treatment of French and German interests in the process of European integration, thereby allowing the deepening of European integration.

Neorealist and neoliberal institutionalist explanations for the state and future of the Arctic region dominate the Arctic debate in international relations. While both schools focus on different aspects concerning the current and future state of Arctic affairs – neorealism evokes a confrontational rush for the Arctic's resources, whereas neoliberal institutionalism propagates the necessary reform of the institutional system governing Arctic issues – both share the underlying assumption of significant and rising stakes towards Arctic commodities. However, this article argues that this debate has hitherto failed to substantiate the actual stakes of the main actors involved. Consequently, many studies make grandiloquent statements about prospects of cooperation and conflict and the appropriate institutional framework for the Arctic region, based on only limited empirical support. This article aims to fill this gap by analysing the Arctic oil and gas interests of the five Arctic littoral states (Russia, USA, Canada, Norway and Denmark/Greenland). The analysis shows greatly different levels of interests towards the High North among the Arctic states. The findings make it possible to make more credible statements about the likelihood of confrontation over Arctic resources and necessary institutional adjustments. The evidence shows that the often-evoked issue of geopolitical rush for Arctic resources is unlikely to eventuate. Nonetheless, there remain institutional challenges for the protection of the fragile Arctic ecosystem.

The objective of this article is to demonstrate the place of the global governance concept in four international relations theories: realism, liberalism, neoliberal institutionalism and social constructivism. Global governance is defined as the sum of ways that institutions and international organizations, both public and private, use to try to cooperate at the global level in order to manage their common affairs. In addition, the paper defines global governance as being a specific perspective on world politics that offers a tool for understanding global change in an era of shifting boundaries and relocated authorities. The main research questions of the article are: how the most influential IR theories have reacted to the global governance concept and why the term 'global governance', so popularly and so frequently used in the 1990's, has not resulted in a stable concept. Conclusions and suggestions presented in the summary point out that global governance held the promise of a radical transformation (predicted by almost every IR theory) of world order at the end of the Cold War. However, this great institutional transformation has never taken place. Therefore, current global politics still remain resistant to any form of world (or global) governance.

Since the end of the Cold War and in the context of the recent spread of economic globalization, Southeast Asian regionalism has steadily deepened and expanded, centering on ASEAN. The concept of the ASEAN Community is one of the most important aspects of this regionalism, and there have been hopes that this will be realized by 2015. The mainstream theories such as neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism, and social constructivism have offered competing explanations of this transformation. However, recently, a new phenomenon that cannot be fully explained by these state-centric theories has arisen—the movement toward constructing a regional order from below by transnational civil society actors. By adopting the analytical viewpoint of the New Regionalism Approach, which has maintained a keen interest in civil society in the process of regionalization, this study attempts to empirically analyze still largely unexplored activities undertaken by transnational civil society actors, in particular who has promoted the "alternative regionalism" against the "neoliberal regionalism" in the course of the formation of the ASEAN Community. It also seeks to examine the embryonic change toward the establishment of a new regional order in Southeast Asia from the bottom-up perspective. In conclusion, the article proves that by engaging with transnational civil society actors, ASEAN is gradually moving from an "elite club" to a "people-centered" organization. However, given the predominance of neoliberal discourse, "alternative regionalism" has not had enough influence for this to be fully realized. Nevertheless, the growing number of transnational civil society actors is resulting in improved potential to transform the persistent sovereign state system.

El concepto de legalización fue desarrollado recientemente por el neoliberalismo institucional como una forma especial de institucionalización de las relaciones internacionales. Los autores neoliberales caracterizan la legalización a partir de las categorías utilizadas por H. L. A. Hart para distinguir el derecho de otros mecanismos de control social, como el poder y la moral. En Hart, estas categorías responden a una finalidad normativa: reconstruir teóricamente el derecho como un sistema independiente de la voluntad y de las convicciones de quienes lo interpretan y aplican. Sin embargo, esta separación entre lenguaje y práctica jurídica desconoce importantes contribuciones de la tradición analítica en filosofía del lenguaje, en cuanto a la relación entre lenguaje y realidad. En particular, termina reduciendo el derecho a simples formas y textos vacíos, y con ello desconoce que a través de las prácticas jurídicas se va dando significado a los textos normativos.Adoptar esta visión del derecho al estudio de las relaciones internacionales tiene, al menos, una consecuencia metodológica: el simple análisis formal del texto de los tratados no permite comprender el efecto del derecho internacional en el comportamiento de los Estados. Para entender las relaciones entre el derecho internacional y el comportamiento estatal es necesario describir la manera como se construye el significado de los textos a través de la práctica jurídica de los Estados. En tal sentido, resultaría útil redefinir la agenda de investigación neoliberal en relación con la legalización y enfocarse en la forma como los Estados y los tribunales internacionales construyen el significado de los tratados y demás normas internacionales. ; --- The concept of legalization was recently developed by neoliberal institutionalism as a special kind of institutionalization of international politics. Neoliberals built the concept of legalization using the analytical tools developed by H. L. A. Hart to distinguish law from other mechanisms of social control, like power and morals. Within Hart's theory, such tools have a normative function: theoretically rebuilding law as a system of rules that is independent from the will and the beliefs of those who interpret and apply legal rules. However, Hart's resulting separation of legal texts from legal practice obscures important contributions that the analytical tradition in philosophy of language has made to the understanding of the relation between language and reality. Specifically, such a separation reduces law to simple forms and texts disregarding the extent to which legal practice gives meaning to legal texts.Adapting Hart's conception of law to International Relations has at least one important methodological consequence: the formal analysis of treaties cannot explain the influence of international law over state behavior. To understand the influence of international law on state behavior, one must previously describe the relation between legal practice and the meaning of legal texts. Thus, a redefinition of neoliberal research agenda on legalization should focus on the way States and international courts construct the meaning of treaties and other international norms.

Seeking to contribute to the governance stream of this year's Berlin Conference, the paper addresses an emerging phenomenon of global environmental governance: the increasing overlap and interplay among institutions that touch upon related subject matters. Presenting one of the first outcomes of the Earth System Governance project, the paper focuses on one specific case of institutional interplay, namely the overlap between the United Nations climate regime and the World Trade Organization (WTO). While parties of the UN climate regime discuss trade-related measures for a post-2012 agreement, WTO parties debate climate-related trade measures. This duplication of debates entails a lack of legal clarity, which may have detrimental implications for the further negotiation and implementation of both regimes. Drawing on neoliberal institutionalism and cognitivism, we identify two reasons for these interplay effects: the constellation of preferences and the lack of consensual knowledge on overlapping issues. Based on a workshop organized jointly with the UN Environment Programme, we developed suggestions to tackle these reasons. Policies could accommodate the lack of knowledge by means of flexible approaches, e.g. default values for border cost adjustments and 'living lists' of sustainability criteria for lifting trade barriers. With regard to the constellation of country preferences, a careful linkage of debates across arenas can produce additional trade-offs and break some of the deadlocks in which these discussions have ended up. On the other hand, the paper attends to the caveats and limits of such linkages.

National security as an ambiguous symbol / Arnold Wolfers -- Redefining security / Richard Ullman -- The national security problem in international relations / Barry Buzan -- The concept of security / David Baldwin -- Security and emancipation / Ken Booth -- Feminism and security / J. Ann Tickner -- The Third World and security studies / Amitav Acharya -- Redefining security (2) / Jessica Tuchman Matthews -- Human security / Roland Paris -- The renaissance of security studies / Stephen M. Walt -- Securitization / Ole Wµver -- The nemesis of utopianism / E.H. Carr -- A realist theory of international politics / Hans J. Morgenthau -- The concept of order in world politics / Hedley Bull -- Anarchic orders and balances of power / Kenneth N. Waltz -- Cooperation under the security dilemma / Robert Jervis -- The false promise of international institutions / John J. Mearsheimer -- Economics and the moral case for war / Norman Angell -- Neoliberal institutionalism / Robert Keohane -- Democratic peace / Michael W. Doyle -- Neo-Kantian perspective / Bruce Russett -- The social construction of power politics / Alexander Wendt -- Norms, identity and national security / Thomas U. Berger -- Nuclear deterrence / Ned Lebow and Janice Gross Stein -- Arms races / Barry Buzan and Eric Herring -- Why do states build nuclear weapons? / Scott Sagan -- New military conflict / Lawrence Freedman -- Technology and war / Michael O'Hanlon -- Resources and conflict / Thomas Homer-Dixon -- Migration and security / Myron Weiner -- Transnational crime and security / Phil Williams -- AIDS/HIV and security / P.W. Singer -- Economics and security / Jonathan Kirshner -- The long peace / John Lewis Gaddis -- The unipolar illusion / Christopher Layne -- Alliance politics / Glenn Snyder -- Alliance futures / Stephen M. Walt -- Multilateralism / John Gerard Ruggie -- Regimes / Robert Jervis -- Security communities / Emanuel Adler -- Interventionism / Adam Roberts -- Economic sanctions / Robert A. Pape -- Private military companies / David Shearer -- Security in the twenty-first century / Barry Buzan -- Instability in Europe? / John J. Mearsheimer -- Security dilemmas in East Asia? / Thomas J. Christensen -- Structural realism redux / Kenneth N. Waltz -- Security and global transformation / Ken Booth -- Globalisation and security / Victor D. Cha -- Terrorism / Walter Laqueur -- The war on terrorism / Michael Howard.