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Neoliberal institutionalism represents the fourth phase in the development of
the liberal institutionalism theory. Unlike the previous ones, at this stage
of development, theorists focus on international institutions as independent
actors in international relations, which are not only the means for the
states to realize their national interests, but also influence internal
policy in the countries. Ultimately, this leads to seeing the international
relations outside the realistic ?self-help principle? as ones defining the
behavior of states. The ambiguity in the further positioning of neoliberal
institutionalism is regarding the phenomenon of global governance. The global
governance is becoming reality. Because of this, states are often forced to
act beyond their particular interests, giving priority to solving problems
through international institutions. However, this largely does not happen due
to state decisions, but thanks to the activities of non-state actors.
Although the international politics stay state-centered, nongovernmental
organizations and multinational corporations have more influence in
overcoming anarchy through global governance and the establishment of rules
of the game in certain areas of life. For neoliberal institutionalism, this
presents somewhat a challenge. The development of the fourth phase of the
liberal institutionalism will depend on future explanations regarding the
relation to global governance.

As a neoliberal institution, European Union has succeded in integrating. However, after the treaty establishing a constitution for Europe was failed to be ratified, European Union is experiencing setback of legitimacy. European Union later imposed Lisbon Treaty that was arranged right after the failure of constitution treaty. Still, the implementation of Lisbon Treaty triggered some new issues due to its content that is more or less similar to the previous unratified treaty. One of the issues came from the migration policy. The rejection from some of the member countries explained the legitimacy crisis on the institution of European Union. This legitimacy crisis is surely a negative precedent for European Union as a neoliberal institution. As in neoliberal institutionalism, an institution is supposed to be an independent variable when a state decides to cooperate and integrate itself in an institution. This writing is aimed to review the neoliberal institutionalism of European Union in the problems of the migration policy implementation upon Lisbon Treaty.This research used qualitative method, with neoliberal institutionalism as its core theory. This research found that European Union as an institution lacks of consideration towards the condition of its member states in making regulations. This can be seen on how the migration regulation on Lisbon Treaty still could not be implemented uniformly on all the member states. Besides, the refusal of Estonia, Hungary and Slovakia upon this migration regulation strengthen the crisis of legitimacy in European Union as a neoliberal institutionalism. The spesific finding upon this migration issues on Lisbon Treaty brought us to a conclusion that the neoliberal institutionalism in European Union needs to be examined due to the decadence of the institution's legitimacy.

Enter any additional information or requests for the Library here. ; This article presents and argues for a collaborative model for disaster risk management in the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The research employed a qualitative study through a literature review and empirical research through focus group interviews to realize its objectives. As a key theory of multinational collaboration, neoliberal institutionalism—a subset of the international relations theory—was used to develop the SADC institutional collaborative model. The model combined the theoretical, political, and technical dimensions of collaboration to enhance buy-in for the disaster risk management and reduction function of governments. The model demonstrates the need for a multidisciplinary approach to achieving disaster risk management and reduction in the SADC and elsewhere, if the developmental objectives of disaster risk reduction are to be realized without interference in the domestic affairs of the member countries. This model is therefore grounded in seeking consensus and cooperation among cooperating states in a quest to ensure national implementation of the regional framework on disaster risk reduction.

Enter any additional information or requests for the Library here. ; This article presents and argues for a collaborative model for disaster risk management in the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The research employed a qualitative study through a literature review and empirical research through focus group interviews to realize its objectives. As a key theory of multinational collaboration, neoliberal institutionalism—a subset of the international relations theory—was used to develop the SADC institutional collaborative model. The model combined the theoretical, political, and technical dimensions of collaboration to enhance buy-in for the disaster risk management and reduction function of governments. The model demonstrates the need for a multidisciplinary approach to achieving disaster risk management and reduction in the SADC and elsewhere, if the developmental objectives of disaster risk reduction are to be realized without interference in the domestic affairs of the member countries. This model is therefore grounded in seeking consensus and cooperation among cooperating states in a quest to ensure national implementation of the regional framework on disaster risk reduction.

"Authority in World Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Foreign Policy and Religion: An Overview" published on by Oxford University Press.

Frontmatter --Contents --Tables --Acknowledgments --1. Anarchy and Cooperation among Nations --2. Realism, Neoliberal Institutionalism, and the Problem of International Cooperation --3. The Tokyo Round Regime on Non-tariff Barriers to Trade --4. Rule Compliance and Dispute Settlement in the Tokyo Round NTB Regime, 1980-1987 --5. Rule Construction in the Tokyo Round NTB Regime, 1980-1987 --6. The Tokyo Round NTB Regime and Neoliberal Institutionalism --7. The Tokyo Round NTB Regime and Realist International Theory --8. Realism and Cooperation among Nations --Appendixes --Index

International relations theorists and global health politics scholars largely fail to communicate with one another. We argue that drawing on insights from classic and contemporary international theory more explicitly will positively augment the study of global health politics. This paper highlights four major theoretical orientations in the international relations literature (realism, neoliberal institutionalism, constructivism, and feminism) and discusses how an understanding of these perspectives can strengthen our understanding of global health policy.

This article examines various theoretical viewpoints, assessing their success in explaining Japan's current security policy towards China. With a variety of theoretically salient factors in place, including a dynamic balance of power, extant regional institutions, economic interdependence and a highly publicized pacifist identity, Japan's China policy presents a prime opportunity to test different international relations theories. We review four theories of interest, structural realism, neoliberal institutionalism, liberal interdependence and constructivism, finding limited support for structural realist and constructivist predictions. We then offer a neoclassical realist model, building from a realist foundation but accounting for the influence of state structure, strategic culture and parochial interests of governing elites.

"The theoretical foundations for this book, rooted in the ongoing realism-liberalism (neoliberal institutionalism) debate, as well as more recent constructivist approaches to cooperation, provide a useful focal point for the study of RDBs. The comparison of four institutions allows for an assessment that goes beyond interests, preferences and outcomes. It provides a platform from which differences in norms, ideas, and culture, as well as hegemonic configuration, can be analyzed. The synthesis of these issues requires careful analysis. Although these underlying themes may be theoretical in nature, the ideological positions that they generate have a strong bearing on the "real world." An understanding of the theoretical premise of development can shed light on the approaches, critiques, and possibilities of development assistance and poverty alleviation policies"--

AbstractRegional trade agreements (RTAs) constitute one of the most important elements of the international economic order. Researchers have accordingly embarked on comparative analyses of their design. Yet one fundamental question remains unanswered: how have officials in different RTAs responded to the challenge of regulatory misalignments among the member states? In this article, I turn to 10 of the most established RTAs in the world and document three types of responses. Some RTAs rely on the principle of mutual recognition or references to existing international standards; the same agreements also rely on technical dispute resolution mechanisms. Other RTAs, by contrast, make use of extensive harmonization and permanent courts charged with interpreting law. Yet a third group exhibits a hybrid design. This heterogeneity in legislative and judicial design invites explanation. I show that there is a remarkable correspondence between the legal traditions of the member states (common vs. civil law) and the design of RTAs. This correspondence undermines the claims of world polity theorists about the nature of the international order, but is consistent with other strands of sociological institutionalism and certain elements of rationalist and neoliberal institutionalism. I conclude by reflecting on the implications of different RTA designs for the regulation of everyday life in the member states, the World Trade Organization as an international regulatory body, and national sovereignty and democracy.

Intro -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- 1.1 The Need for Explanations of European Disintegration -- 1.2 The Search for an Explanation of European Disintegration -- References -- Chapter 2: Neo-functionalism and European Disintegration -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Neo-functionalism and Integration -- 2.3 A Neo-functionalist Explanation of Disintegration Evaluated -- 2.4 Insights from Comparative Regionalism -- 2.5 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Realism, Intergovernmentalism, and European Disintegration -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Realism and Cooperation in Europe -- 3.2.1 Neo-realist Accounts of Declining Cooperation and Their Evaluation -- 3.3 Intergovernmentalism -- 3.3.1 From Classical Realism to Neoliberal Institutionalism -- 3.3.2 Liberal Intergovernmentalism on European Integration -- 3.3.3 Liberal Intergovernmentalism and European Disintegration -- 3.3.4 Problems in the Intergovernmentalist Explanation of European (Dis)integration -- 3.4 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: Federalism and European Disintegration -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Comparative Federalism and Its Applicability to the European Union -- 4.3 Integration and Disintegration of Federal Political Systems -- 4.4 Secession and the European Union -- 4.5 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: Comparative Imperialism and European Disintegration -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Empire as Comparative Category -- 5.3 Defining Empire and Imperialism -- 5.4 Is the EU an Empire? -- 5.5 Explaining the Decline and Fall of Empires -- 5.5.1 EU Theories Concerning Enlargement -- 5.6 Comparative Analysis of Disintegrating Empires -- 5.7 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 6: Towards a Proper Explanation of European Disintegration -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 Lessons Learned.

The objective of the article is to analyze the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T-TIP) as a new model of international agreements, the reasons for resistance and the consequences for third countries that are dependent on trade with the United States and the European Union (EU). Special attention is given to the relationship between Brazil and the EU in the context of this new trend of trade partnerships. Using a theoretical approach based on neoliberal institutionalism (KEOHANE, 2005; KEOHANE, NYE, 1989, 2002), the article presents a historical overview of the transatlantic negotiations and a critical analysis of the innovative aspects it brings. Even considering the potential unfeasibility of the T-TIP, it must be understood as part of a new generation of trade and investments (BALDWIN, 2011, 2008). Similar to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the North American Free Trade Agreement and the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, the T-TIP aims to introduce a robust regulatory framework that would affect multilateralism. These "big treaties" include commitments that are not covered by the World Trade Organization and mandates that are not traditionally attributed to international institutions. Therefore, they bring to light new elements in international trends that are yet to be fully understood.