Monitoring the readiness of countries for the application of information and communication technologies (ICT) has a long tradition. It is reflected through the application of various synthetic indicators - indexes, which were created for these purposes by various organizations and associations. These indicators are expected to reflect new trends in the field of ICT, and also to measure the readiness and achievements of individual countries in the ICT usage. The aim of this paper is to show significant changes in the structure of one of the most well-known indices in this area - Network Readiness Index, which has been in use for almost two decades. The paper emphasizes the application of this index in monitoring the process of digital transformation at the level of economic and social development of individual countries, especially in the COVID crisis. Also, the tendencies of this process in the post-COVID period are considered. Monitoring the process of digital transformation at the country level is characterized by a multidimensional approach. In this sense, the complex structure of the NRI latest version is presented. It is based on 60 indicators grouped in four areas: technological trends, human resources capacity, government regulations and the impact of new technologies on the economy, quality of life and achieving the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals adopted in 2015. Also, the paper discusses the position of Serbia and other Western Balkans countries measured in the context of the newly created index, and presents a comparison of these countries with European Union countries. ; Praćenje spremnosti zemalјa za primenu informaciono-komunikacionih tehnologija (IKT) ima višegodišnju tradiciju. Ona se ogleda kroz primenu različitih sintetičkih pokazatelјa – indeksa, koje su za te svrhe kreirale različite organizacije i asocijacije. Od ovih pokazatelјa se očekuje da, sa jedne strane, odražavaju nove trendove u IKT oblasti, a sa druge strane, da mere spremnost i postignuća pojedinih zemalјa u primeni tih novih tehnologija. Cilј ovog rada jeste da prikaže značajne promene u strukturi jednog od najpoznatijih indeksa za praćenje spremnosti zemalјa za primenu informaciono-komunikacionih tehnologija - Network Readiness Index (NRI), koji je u upotrebi skoro dve decenije. U radu je posebno naglašeno sagledavanje primene ovog indeksa u praćenju procesa digitalne transformacije na nivou ekonomskog i društvenog razvoja pojedinih zemalјa, posebno u uslovima kovid krize. Takođe, sagledane su i tendencije ovog procesa u postkovid periodu. Praćenje procesa digitalne transformacije na nivou zemalјa karakteriše višedimenzionalni pristup. U tom smislu prikazana je složena struktura najnovije verzije ovog indeksa koja se zasniva na 60 indikatora, a koji su sintetički povezani u četiri oblasti: tehnološki trendovi, kapaciteti lјudskih resursa za primenu novih tehnologija, značaj vladinih regulativa, kao i uticaj novih tehnologija na ekonomiju, kvalitet života i ostvarenje Održivih razvojnih cilјeva Ujedinjenih nacija (UN Sustainable Development Goals - SDGs) prihvaćenih 2015. godine. Takođe, u radu je razmatrana pozicija Srbije i ostalih zemalјa Zapadnog Balkana merena u kontekstu novokreiranog indeksa, i prikazano je poređenje ovih zemalјa sa zemlјama Evropske unije.
As newly established nation-state Slovenia continues to develop concepts, policies, and institutions to provide for its national security. She does so as a young country in a new Europe and must consider not only her own experiences, principles, and international politics, but also the dynamic environment of th multifaceted proposals and efforts at European integration. These are the basic considerations for understanding the process whereby Slovenia is forming a new national security network, both internally and on the international level, and for following Slovenia's endeavors to participate in European integration and NATO and the European Union. (SOI : PM: S. 123)
Recent theoretical and empirical research in economic science and other social sciences has indicated a growing interest in the interdependence of social capital and public governance. The aim of the paper is to identify the basic channels and mechanisms for the contribution of social capital to the quality of public governance, based on the analysis of the interdependence of social capital and public governance. The subject of this doctoral dissertation is social capital as a determinant of the quality of public governance. Statistical methods - regression and correlation analysis - were applied to determine cause and effect relationships between the investigated phenomena. The analysis covers selected transition economies (10 Central and Eastern European countries: Hungary, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovenia, Bulgaria and Romania, as well as the Republic of Serbia) for the two comparative time series relating to 2010 and 2016. year. The results of correlation and regression analysis confirmed the starting hypothesis that there is a relationship of interdependence between social capital and public governance. In addition, selected theoretical and empirical research has shown the validity of hypotheses that a higher level of trust creates the conditions for the development of effective formal institutions, and that social participation influences the development of a more responsible and responsive public administration. Particular attention in this doctoral dissertation is also devoted to the analysis of the state of social capital and the performance of public governance in the Republic of Serbia. Also, the observed tendencies in the structure of public governance in the Republic of Serbia indicate the importance of combating corruption and strengthening the rule of law. The research findings in this doctoral dissertation represent a significant input to macroeconomic policy makers in transition economies and provide a basis for considering the importance of social capital and its individual components, as determinants of improving the quality of public governance.
The European Parliament and the European Council have adopted the Directive 2008/96/EC relating to the safety of traffic infrastructure. This Directive binds the EU Member States to implement the guidelines on roads comprising the parts of the Trans-European traffic network, regardless of the stage those roads are in. EU Member States have a possibility to adopt the guidelines and regulations from the Directive and build them into the national regulations on parts of the roads that are not a part of the Trans-European roads. Based on the facts stated above, there is a research problem in a form of a question "Can the Directive 2008/96/EC be applied in the traffic in Bosnia and Herzegovina?" i.e. are its guidelines implemented as a manner of approximation with the EU regulations, and what are the effects of its implementation. This is a traffic problem in its nature, closely related to road traffic safety, and we find the answer to the research problem in theoretical and empirical research in this area.
Democracy and constitutional state should understandably be reviewed in the context of a society's progression in curbing the state. In any community the central issue is the relationship between the people as individuals and as members of a collective, since it is desirable for a collective to be a synerg sum of individuals. Thus it is prudent to search for a corellation between democracy and constitutional state. Democracy is an emanation of freedom, constitutions always a limitation. A state hems in a civil society; within it there is a network of the processes of structuring government from "above", which is of particular interest in transitional countries that gave up on the ideologised inaugural effect in designing government and adopted "constitutional engineering": power-sharing, popular sovereignty, representative parliamentarism, promotion of freedoms and basic rights of individuals and citizens. In this, it is imperative to make note of the necessity of structuring societies from "below" by means of the principle of local self-rule. (SOI : PM: S. 147)
Uvod: Sajber kriminal se odnosi na svako nezakonito delo izvršeno korišćenjem računara, računarskih mreža ili drugog oblika informacionih i komunikacionih tehnologija. U zavisnosti od toga da li je tehnologija meta ili sredstvo izvršenja, možemo razlikovati krivična dela koja podrazumevaju napade usmerene na uređaje i računarske mreže i različite oblike "tradicionalnih" krivičnih dela čiji se obim i domet povećavaju upotrebom digitalnih tehnologija. Usled KOVID-19 pandemije ljudi su prisiljeni da ostaju kod kuće i da se, više nego ikada pre, oslone na računare, telefone i internet, kako bi mogli da rade, uče na daljinu, kupuju, informišu se i komuniciraju sa drugima. Premeštanje svakodnevnih i poslovnih aktivnosti iz fizičke u digitalnu sferu otvara i mogućnost nastanka novih oblika pretnji i rizika u sajber prostoru. Cilj: Cilj rada bio je da se eksplorativnim istraživanjem ustanove zastupljenost, raširenost i oblici ispoljavanja sajber kriminala tokom KOVID-19 pandemije. Metod: Korišćena je metoda pretraživanja i analize velikog broja primarnih i sekundarnih izvora informacija (desk research), proučavanjem različitih naučnih baza podataka i sprovedenih istraživanja o zastupljenosti i različitim oblicima sajber kriminala tokom pandemije. Rezultati: Podaci pokazuju da je tokom KOVID-19 pandemije došlo do povećanja stope raširenosti i sofisticiranosti sajber kriminala. Mete sajber napada su pored pojedinaca i malih preduzeća, sve više velike korporacije i institucije koje imaju ključnu ulogu u odgovoru na izbijanje bolesti. Pored rapidnog rasta sajber napada na računare i računarske mreže, došlo je i do povećanja broja "tradicionalnih" krivičnih dela u sajber prostoru, uz iskorišćavanje bezbednosne ranjivosti rada od kuće i straha i neizvesnosti zbog pandemije. Zaključak: Enormni rast sajber kriminala tokom KOVID-19 pandemije predstavlja ozbiljan izazov za državne strukture. Državno reagovanje na krupan porast sajber kriminala prvenstveno bi trebalo da se usmeri na sprovođenje preventivnih mera kroz edukacije i kampanje podizanja svesti, jer je najveći bezbednosni rizik potcenjivanje ili nedostatak svesti o pretnjama u sajber prostoru. ; Introduction: Cybercrime refers to any illegal act committed using computers, computer networks, or other forms of information and communication technologies. Depending on whether the technology is a target or a means of execution, we can distinguish between crimes that involve attacks aimed at devices and computer networks, and different forms of "traditional" crimes whose scope and reach increase with the use of digital technologies. As a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, people have to stay home, rely more than ever on computers, phones, and the Internet to telework, learn on distance, buy things, get information, and communicate with others. The shift of everyday and business activities from the physical to the digital sphere also opens the possibility of the emergence of new forms of threats and risks in cyberspace. Aim: The paper aimed to explore the prevalence and forms of manifestation of cybercrime during the COVID-19 pandemic. Method: Desk research was conducted by gathering and analyzing a plethora of primary and secondary sources of information, various scientific databases and research findings on the prevalence and various forms of cybercrime during the pandemic. Results: The data show that during the COVID-19 pandemic, there was an increase in the prevalence, widespread presence, and sophistication of cybercrime. In addition to individuals and small businesses, the target of cyberattacks in greater amount is large corporations and institutions that play a crucial role in responding to the outbreak. Besides the rapid growth of cyber attacks on computers and computer networks, the rate of "traditional" crimes in cyberspace has also increased by exploiting security vulnerabilities of teleworking and fear and uncertainty due to the pandemic. Conclusion: The enormous growth of cybercrime during the COVID-19 pandemic poses a serious challenge to government structures. The state's response to the huge rise of cybercrime should initially focus on implementing preventive measures in the form of education and awareness-raising campaigns, as the greatest security risk is underestimation or lack of awareness of cyber threats.
The article explores the Baltic musicological conferences as a non-hierarchical network and its role and meaning in the changing political and cultural contexts. Starting from 1967, when the first conference took place, the annual meetings of the Baltic musicologists soon became a transnational space for the professional exchange and crosscultural discussion. Based on the results and the impact of cooperation between musicologists of neighbouring countries, the Soviet formation of the national history writing and the development of the Baltic musicological comparativism is discussed, given the political and cultural factors of these changes. The theoretical foundations and cultural aspirations of the concept of national music historiography by Vytautas Landsbergis is highlighted as representative example of the national self-confidence in Lithuanian musicology during the Soviet period. ; Балтички културни простор – да ли је то реалност или фикција, спонтана транскултурална традиција или вештачка геополитичка конструкција? Ова питања, која доводе под сумњу балтичке музиколошке конференције, које се у континуитету одржавају већ педесетак година, уопште нису реторичка. Од 1967. године, када је одржана прва конференција, годишња окупљања балтичких музиколога нису била ограничена само на остваривање професионалних циљева. Политичке промене и културне пукотине увек изнова остављају своје отиске у историји транснационалне балтичке музиколошке сарадње. Приликом покретања прве конференције пре више од пет деценија, примењен је совјетски метод обредног посвећења: окупљање музиколога из три балтичке државе формално је било посвећено 50. годишњици Октобарске револуције, чиме је је успостављена традиција која је пркосила совјетској централизацији. Ускоро су конференције постале простор за професионално самоизражавање и транснационално нехијерархијско умрежавање младих музиколога који су стасавали током шездесетих година ХХ века, као и каснијих генерација. Ова традиција је допринела успостављању институционалног статуса балтичке музикологије, настале као алтернатива званичној доктрини совјетске музике и музикологије у другој половини ХХ века. Супротстављајући се наметнутом совјетском приступу развоју националне културе, балтичке музиколошке конференције прошириле су геополитичко и хронолошко истраживачко поље у вези са музиком својих земаља. Скромни покушаји да се развије компаративизам најбоље су промовисани заједничким напорима да се дефинише појам националне музичке културе и категорије типичне за овај концепт: национална школа и национални стил. Компаративна перспектива била је посебно карактеристична за презентације Арнолдса Клотинша (Arnolds Klotiņš), Марта Хумала (Mart Humal), Витаутаса Ландсбергиса (Vytautas Landsbergis) и Алгирдаса Амбразаса (Algirdas Ambrazas), који су сумирали своја фундаментална истраживања у области музике као културне праксе и музичких стилова. Међутим, чак и у радовима наведених музиколога, универзалнији аспект је био засењен традиционалном концепцијом националног израза у музици. Успостављање алтернативних канона националне класичне и модерне музике, као и модернизација музикологије, спадају у резултате ових конференција. Током година политичких промена деведесетих година прошлог века, културно оживљавање је инспирисало дискусије о општијој потрази за балтичким културним идентитетом и могућностима његовог институционалног успостављања. Међутим, истовремено су се отворила питања идентитета ове манифестације, доводећи у питање сам формат балтичког музиколошког простора као могуће совјетске геополитичке конструкције. ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization
Pitanje mogućnosti formiranja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstu postsocijalistiĉke transformacije društva i procesa evrointegracija, predstavlja predmet bavljenja ove doktorske disertacije. Rad se sastoji iz tri veće celine i poglavlja u kome su izneta zakljuĉna razmatranja. U prvom delu rada, razvijeni su uporedno-istorijski, kontekstualni, konceptualni i metodološki okvir istraţivanja, kao polazne osnove za dalje analize. Kako bi mogle biti obuhvaćene sve relevantne dimenzije kompleksnog fenomena ekološkog pokreta i sloţena mreţa ĉinilaca koji utiĉu na njegov nastanak i razvoj, u istraţivanju su kombinovano korišćene razliĉite metodološke tehnike: anketno ispitivanje stavova i praksi na reprezentativnom uzorku graĊana Srbije (N=1952) i predstavnika lokalnih samouprava (N=232), polustrukturisani intervjui sa predstavnicima nevladinih organizacija (N=44), kao i dve studije sluĉaja zajednica sa izraţenim ekološkim problemima - Panĉeva i Bora. Drugi deo rada je posvećen opisu i analizi pojedinaĉnih elemenata ekološkog pokreta: ekoloških aktivista, ekoloških grupa / organizacija, ekoloških mreţa, kolektivnog identiteta i ekoloških konflikata. Na osnovu detaljne analize karakteristika osnovnih elemenata pokreta, u zakljuĉnom poglavlju drugog dela rada daje se odgovor na pitanje: da li u Srbiji postoji ekološki pokret? Osnovni istraţivaĉki nalaz je da u Srbiji nije došlo do formiranja klasiĉnog participativnog tipa ekološkog pokreta, kakav je prisutan u zemljama Zapada. TakoĊe, nema ni naznaka znaĉajnijeg prisustva elemenata transakcionog ekološkog aktivizma (pokreta), ĉiji je prisustvo zabeleţeno u zemljama Centralne Evrope. Umesto toga, svedoci smo razvoja specifiĉnog modela ekološkog kolektivnog delanja koji smo nazvali "ekološkim trećim sektorom". Naime, za razliku od participativnog i transakcionog delanja, koji imaju naglašeno politiĉku dimenziju, aktivnosti organizacija u okviru trećeg sektora su preteţno "apolitiĉne" po karakteru, usmerene na pruţanje usluga u oblastima iz kojih se, u sklopu neoliberalnih reformi, drţava povukla. Pored nerazvijenosti konfliktne (politiĉke) dimenzije, ekološki treći sektor odlikuje i atomizovano delanje profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija, koje samo izuzetno (pod spoljnim pritiscima ili podsticajima) uspostavljaju fiziĉke veze (mreţe) meĊu sobom, dok se na planu kolektivnog identiteta razvija samo kognitivna dimenzija (formalno prihvatanje odreĊenih ekoloških vrednosti i naĉela koja ĉine sastavni deo ekološkog diskursa dominantnog na Zapadu). GraĊani, po pravilu, nisu ukljuĉeni u rad ovih organizacija, izuzev kao korisnici usluga. U trećem delu rada se razmatraju razlozi usled kojih ne dolazi do razvoja participativnog i/ili transakcionog ekološkog pokreta (aktivizma). Za potrebe objašnjenja nastanka specifiĉne hibridne forme ekološkog trećeg sektora, kreiran je sintetiĉki eksplanatorni model koji kombinuje elemente razvijene u okviru razliĉitih teorijskih pristupa fenomenu društvenih pokreta. Eksplanatorna shema je formulisana na sledeći naĉin: za pokretanje kolektivnog delanja i nastanak ekološkog pokreta neophodno da prethodno budu ispunjeni sledeći uslovi: potrebno je da postoji izvesno socijalno-konstruisano nezadovoljstvo (problem) kod većeg broja pojedinaca / profesionalnih zastupniĉkih organizacija (socijalno-konstruktivistiĉka reinterpretacija klasiĉnih pristupa); zatim, grupa pojedinaca koja oseća dati problem / zalaţe se za njegovo rešavanje, mora posedovati odreĊene resurse za pokretanje i odrţavanje 5 kolektivne akcije (pristup teorije mobilizacije resursa); šire okruţenje treba da bude relativno povoljno kako bi nagovestilo mogućnost pozitivnog ishoda aktivnosti koja se ţeli realizovati (pristup strukture politiĉkih mogućnosti), a vrednosni okvir na takav naĉin podešen da usmerava na delanje predstavnike profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija i / ili neposredno ugroţenu populaciju (nezadovoljne) i (eventualno) širi krug podrţavalaca (pristup Novih društvenih pokreta). Na proces formiranja ekološkog pokreta, kroz ĉetiri neposredna faktora (socijalna-konstrukcija ekoloških rizika, dostupnost i karakteristike resursa, struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti, vrednosni sistem),indirektno deluju širi društveni procesi - postsocijalistiĉka transformacija i evropeizacija srpskog društva, kao i ĉinioci duţeg trajanja ((pred)socijalistiĉko nasleĊe). Testiranje postavljenih eksplikativnih hipoteza je pokazalo da ni jedan od uslova neophodnih za formiranje ekološkog pokreta, nije delimiĉno ili u potpunosti zadovoljen. Postojeći ekološki problemi su dominantno odreĊeni u kategorijama niskog rizika i male vaţnosti u odnosu na druga društvena pitanja, usled ĉega je i njihov podsticajni kapacitet za kolektivnu (re)akciju bitno sniţen. Pored toga, vladajuće shvatanje prema kome u ekološkoj modernizaciji leţi rešenje za gotovo sve ekološke probleme, pokazuje se kao ĉinilac koji nepovoljno utiĉe na graĊanski aktivizam, jer upućuje na pasivno išĉekivanje uvoĊenja obećanih mehanizama odrţivog razvoja. Većini graĊana na raspolaganju stoji vrlo ograniĉena koliĉina resursa, usled ĉega, u velikom broju sluĉajeva, oni odustaju od uĉešća u ekološkim akcijama. Ekološke organizacije, takoĊe, imaju poteškoća da obezbede neophodne resurse za rad, a dodatni problem predstavlja i naĉin njihove mobilizacije, usled kojeg gube samostalnost postajući zavisne od stranih izvora finansiranja. Kao posledica, ekološko delanje je atomizovano, a rivalitet i konflikti unutar ekološkog civilnog sektora, naglašeni; ekološke mreţe se teško formiraju i odrţavaju, kolektivni identitet je slab (nad njim prevagu odnose partikularni interesi), a kritiĉko delovanje ekoloških organizacija, nerazvijeno. Struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti se, uprkos postojanju relativno povoljnog zakonskog okvira, pokazuje zatvorenom prema uĉešću graĊana u donošenju odluka. GraĊani percipiraju predstavnike vlasti kao neprijemĉive za njihove potrebe, što se nepovoljno odraţava na njihovu spremnost da se organizuju i pokušaju da nametnu svoje zahteve. S druge strane, ekološke organizacije su iskljuĉene iz procesa odluĉivanja i svedene na ulogu asistenata u podizanju kapaciteta drţave za sprovoĊenje programa u oblasti zaštite ţivotne sredine. Konfliktno delanje organizacija je ograniĉeno, s jedne strane, time što ne dobijaju podršku moćnih aktera (meĊunarodne ekološke organizacije, strani donatori), a sa druge, finansijskim uslovljavanjem od strane drţavnih struktura. Karakteristike kulturološkog konteksta se, takoĊe, pokazuju nepovoljnim za razvoj ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji. Dominacija materijalistiĉkog sistema vrednosti i s njim povezano visoko vrednovanje ekonomskog razvoja, koje u senci ostavlja ekološke probleme, negativno utiĉe na ekološko aktiviranje graĊana. Ipak, uprkos preteţno materijalistiĉkoj vrednosnoj orijentaciji, graĊanima su vrlo bliske vrednosti Nove ekološke paradigme. MeĊutim, od naĉelnog prihvatanja vrednosti karakteristiĉnih za ovu paradigmu do aktivnog delanja, u kontekstu materijalne oskudice, put je dug i vrlo neizvestan. Zakljuĉno poglavlje je posvećeno rezimiranju i diskusiji empirijskih nalaza, kao i razmatranju širih implikacija nerazvijenosti ekološkog pokreta na zaštitu ţivotne sredine u Srbiji. ; he environmental movement in Serbia, in the context of post-socialist transformation and the EU integration process. The paper consists of three major parts and the concluding chapter. In the first part a comparative - historical, contextual, conceptual and methodological framework of the research is developed, as a starting point for the further analyses. In order to capture all relevant dimensions of the complex phenomenon of environmental movement and the composite set of factors that influence its emergence and development, the study is using a combination of different methodological techniques: a survey of attitudes and practices based on a representative sample of Serbian citizens (N = 1952) and local government representatives (N = 232), in parallel with the semi-structured interviews with representatives of non-governmental organizations (N = 44), and the two case studies of communities with serious environmental problems – the municipalities of Pancevo and Bor. The second part contains the description and analysis of individual elements of the environmental movement: environmental activists, environmental groups / organizations, environmental networks, collective identity and environmental conflicts. Based on a detailed analysis of the characteristics of the key elements of environmental movement, the concluding chapter of this part of the paper offers an answer to the question - is there an environmental movement in Serbia? The main research finding is that participatory type of environmental movement that is typical for the Western countries has not been formed in Serbia. There are even no indications of the existence of significant elements of transactional environmental activism (movement), that is present in the countries of Central Europe. Instead, we are witnessing the development of a distinct model of collective environmental action that we have named "the third environmental sector". Different from the participative and transactional activism which have an emphasized political dimension, the nature of the activities of the third sector organizations is mostly "non-political", aimed at providing services in those areas that the state has withdrew from, in the context of neo-liberal reforms. In addition to the underdeveloped conflict/political dimension, the environmental third sector is characterized by atomized actions of professional environmental organizations, which establish physical connections (networks) among themselves only as an exception (under external pressures or incentives), while at the level of collective identity only the cognitive dimension is being developed (the formal acceptance of the environmental values and principles which form an integral part of the environmental discourse dominant in the West). Citizens, as a rule, are not included in the work of these organizations, except as users of services. In the third part, the reasons for the absence of the participatory and / or transactional environmental movement (activism) are discussed. In order to explain the emergence of the specific hybrid form of the environmental third sector, a synthetic explanatory model was established, combining elements developed within different social movement theories. The explanatory scheme has been formulated as follows: for the launch of collective action and the emergence of the environmental movement certain conditions are necessary to be met - a certain level of socially-constructed 8 dissatisfaction (problem) needs to be generated in large numbers of individuals / professional advocacy organizations (social constructivist reinterpretation of classical approaches); then, a group of individuals who perceive the problem / advocates for its solution must possess appropriate resources to initiate and sustain a collective action (the Resource Mobilization Theory approach); the wider context should be relatively favorable as to suggest the possibility of a positive outcome of the action (the Political Opportunities Structure approach); the value framework should be set up in such a way to initiate the action of professional environmental organizations and / or the directly affected population, and possibly also of a wider circle of supporters (the New Social Movements approach). Through the four direct factors (social – construction of environmental risks, the availability and characteristics of resources, the structure of political opportunities, the value system), the process of development of the environmental movement is indirectly affected by wider-scale social processes – the post-socialist transformation and Europeanization of Serbian society, as well as by the factors of longer duration ((pre-) socialist heritage).The testing of the set of explicative hypotheses showed that the necessary pre-conditions for the formation of the environmental movement in Serbia have neither been fully, nor even partially met. In comparison with other issues, the existing environmental problems are dominantly defined in the terms of low-risk and low-importance, due to which their capacities to induce collective (re)action are significantly reduced. In addition, the prevailing concept of environmental modernization, presented as a solution to almost all environmental problems, proves to be a factor that adversely affects civic activism, as it leads to passive anticipation of the promised introduction of mechanisms for sustainable development. Since the majority of citizens have access only to very limited resources, they, in many cases, tend to give up their participation in environmental actions. Environmental organizations also face difficulties in obtaining necessary resources for their operation. An additional problem lies in the way resources are being mobilized: becoming increasingly dependent on foreign funding, organizations tend to lose their autonomy. As a result, the environmental action is atomized and rivalries and conflicts within the environmental civil society accentuated; environmental networks are difficult to establish and maintain and the collective identity is weak (due to domination of particular interests); the conflictual dimension of environmental organizations remains undeveloped. Despite the relatively favorable legal framework, the structure of political opportunities seems closed to the participation of citizens in the decision-making process. Citizens perceive government representatives as unresponsive to their needs, which negatively affects their readiness to act in an organized way and to attempt to impose their demands. On the other hand, environmental organizations are excluded from the decision-making process and reduced to the assisting role in the capacity building of the state bodies for the implementation of programs in the field of environmental protection. Conflicting action of such organizations is limited, on the one hand by the lack of support from powerful actors (international environmental organizations, international donors), and on the other - by the financial preconditions imposed by the state authorities. The characteristics of the cultural context also appear to be unfavorable for the development of the environmental movement in Serbia. The dominance of the materialistic value system and the related high priority attributed to the economic 9 growth, leaves the environmental problems on the margins, thus negatively affecting the environmental activation of citizens. However, despite the predominantly materialistic value orientation, the values of the New environmental paradigm are very familiar to the citizens. Still, in the context of material insecurity, the road from the general acceptance of such values to active action towards reaching them, is long and very uncertain. The concluding chapter is devoted to summarizing and discussing the empirical findings, as well as to considerations of implications of the under-developed environmental movement to the overall state of environmental protection in Serbia.
