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This paper discusses Helena Radlinska's (1879-1954) international activity. Helena Radlińska was the initiator of social pedagogy in Poland but her activities abroad in 1918-1939 is not yet known. Her works, their scope, aims and directions were interconnected with the largest european centres of education: International Congress of Moral Education in London, International Office of Education in Geneva, International Leuge of New Socialization in Geneva, Association of International Conferences of Adult Education in England and International Conferences of Social Services in Paris. Her engagement for many years in these organizations led to multiple social and institutional achievements together with scientific, methodological and methodical developments. Along this route the main life achievement in Radlinska's life- the development of a discipline of social pedaogogy, connects the development of individuals with insvestment in social and cultural spehere of life. Radlinska's activity makes Warsaw of her times one of the core places of international cooperation in the field of education, socialisation and social work.

Providing insight in political reality and morale beyond increasingly illiberal governments in CEE, this paper offers an ethnographic perspective on democratic opposition during the process of de-democratisation. Analysing the motivation and purpose of being politically active based on a limited group of members of the Hungarian Momentum Movement Party, it highlights how relating to past, present and future as well as other Hungarian parties and the West they strive to realise a '21st century European normality'.

The cooperative movement has played a significant role in increasing the competitiveness of the economy and has promoted the European values of solidarity, self-government and democracy. In recent years, the cooperative idea has been linked with the local energy sector – in Europe and in Poland. The decentralization of energy production to local communities – thanks to the incredible development of new technologies in renewable energy – is now becoming a standard in Western Europe. These trends have also been visible in Poland for some time. Unfortunately, in Polish conditions the institution of cooperatives, including energy cooperatives, is negatively associated with the communist era. The main research question, around which the considerations in this article revolve, is as follows – why, despite the existence of a legal basis in Poland from 2016, energy cooperatives have not been created. The article will analyse the legal regulations relating to the functioning of the energy cooperative, taking into account its current status in the energy law. ; Ruch spółdzielczy odegrał znaczącą rolę w napędzaniu wzrostu i podnoszeniu konkurencyjności gospodarki oraz wspierał europejskie wartości solidarności, samorządności i demokracji. W ostatnich latach idea spółdzielczości związana jest z energetyką lokalną – europejską oraz polską. Decentralizacja energetyki idąca w kierunku wytwarzania energii na poziomie społeczności lokalnych – dzięki niesamowitemu rozwojowi nowych technologii w energetyce odnawialnej staje się dziś w Europie Zachodniej standardem. Trendy te widoczne są również od jakiegoś czasu w Polsce. Niestety, w polskich warunkach instytucja spółdzielni, w tym energetycznej, kojarzy się negatywnie – w związku z okresem PRL. Głównym pytaniem badawczym, wokół którego toczyć się będą rozważania w tym artykule, będzie pytanie – dlaczego mimo istnienia podstawy prawnej z 2016 roku w Polsce spółdzielnie energetyczne jednak nie powstają. W artykule tym analizie zostanie poddana regulacja prawna odnosząca się do funkcjonowania spółdzielni energetycznej, mając na uwadze obecny jej status w prawie energetycznym.

The article analyzes transformation of the ideological factor of terrorism in 21st century. The author emphasizes transition from grand narratives (Marxism, fascism) to little narratives of new social movements. In his opinion terrorism without ideology is more dangerous than ideological terrorism.

*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.

*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.

Transitions, democratization and recent democratic backsliding in CEE provide
a rich context for examining the meaning and shifting of civic activism and how people
participate and organize in civil society today. This article offers a fresh and comparative
analysis based on empirical data on the question of what motivates formal and informal
activism, and the potentially transformative role of civil society that has recently faced
such challenges as democratic backsliding, shrinking public space and polarization. It
looks specifically at the responses of Polish and Hungarian activists and advocacy CSOs
to these new challenges. Their strategies bring an important lesson on how civil society
actors can adapt, continue their mission, or even turn challenges into opportunities.
These new trends indicate that civic space in CEE is shifting which is further influenced
by the reactions to new forms of social, economic and political crises. It is argued that
this shift and the new trends in civic activism require not only fresh empirical data, but
also a revision of normative and methodological approaches that have so far been used
in civil society and social movement research.