Suchergebnisse

Metaphors of light and darkness belong to the most salient ways of introducing and maintaining the Manichean division into US and THEM in many kinds of discourse, including the Soviet ideological discourse on culture in the period of de-Stalinisation. The present study investigates about 400 articles on cultural matters published in the years 1953--1957 in the newspaper Pravda, characterised, among others, by a confrontational stance connected with the political and cultural turning point of the period. It deals with the metaphors of light and darkness as these were used in the then Soviet cultural propaganda. The study reveals that the metaphors were used as a means of controlling the country's cultural life and that their application was no different from old patterns employed already in Ruthenian writings. They were harnessed to express the categories crucial to the authors the central management of culture, the leading role of certain individuals and circles in creating culture, the superiority of OUR culture over THEIRS, etc. By referring to archetypical notions the author made sure that the propagandist tricks were effective. ; Metaforyka związana z pojęciami jasności i ciemności należy do najbardziej wyrazistych narzędzi służących wprowadzaniu i podtrzymywaniu manichejskiego podziału na swoich i obcych w wielu dyskursach, w tym również w sowieckim ideologicznym dyskursie o kulturze okresu tzw. odwilży. Analizie poddano około 400 tekstów o tematyce kulturalnej, publikowanych w latach 1953–1957 w gazecie "Prawda", które charakteryzują się m.in. konfrontacyjnym charakterem związanym z przesileniem politycznym oraz kulturalnym w epoce poststalinowskiej. Artykuł jest próbą analizy funkcjonowania metaforyki związanej z pojęciami światła i ciemności w sowieckiej propagandzie kulturalnej tego okresu. Okazuje się, że metaforyka ta pełniła ważną rolę w próbach odgórnego sterowania życiem kulturalnym kraju oraz że sposoby jej zastosowania bynajmniej nie odbiegają od najdawniejszych wzorców znanych piśmiennictwu ruskiemu. W badanym dyskursie metafora światła i ciemności pozwalała na wyrażenie istotnych kategorii, na których promocji zależało jego autorom centralizm zarządzania kulturą, przewodnia rola określonych jednostek i środowisk kulturalnych w kreowaniu kultury, wyższość kultury swoich nad kulturą obcych itd. Poprzez odwołanie się do pojęć archetypowych nadawca zyskiwał gwarancję skuteczności tego typu oddziaływania.

Petar II Petrović Njegoš is probably the most famous figure in Montenegro's history and a particular symbol of this place. Despite his short life, he achieved fame not only as a politician but also as an artist. The article aims to analyze how the memory of Petar II Petrović Njegoš – a symbolic figure in the history and culture of Montenegro – has been constructed. The analysis will focus on the public debate on this figure in relation to the motion to establish a new national holiday – Njegoš's day, i.e., the day of Montenegrin culture. The study uses both the discourse method and content analysis, including legislative projects, newspaper articles, television broadcasts, public speeches, and other messages from individual politicians and intellectuals. The public debate on Njegoš revealed how the inconsistency of memory, primarily the Montenegrin, Serbian and Bosniak memory, generates conflicts and at the same time deepens the prevailing social divisions.

The aim of the paper is to compare the findings of selected surveys conducted among Polish jour- nalists with the findings of a newspaper content analysis. The findings of the surveys showed differ- ences between different generations of journalists. Specifically, those who entered the profession right after the political transition in the early 1990s seem more interested in playing the role of watchdog than those who have recently graduated from universities. Although the youngest generation of Polish journalists believes that the media should monitor political actors, they do not seem very interested in playing that role. The findings of the content analysis showed that Polish journalists pay significant attention to monitoring the policy and performance of political actors. The study supports previous observations on the high level of political parallelism of the Polish media system. ; Praca finansowana ze środków Narodowego Centrum Nauki, grant nr 2015/18/M/HS5/00080. ; 1/2017 ; 127 ; 141 ; Przegląd Politologiczny

Celem artykułu jest zestawienie postaw polskich dziennikarzy wobec aktorów politycznych deklarowanych w ankietach (role perception) z faktycznymi działaniami podejmowanymi przez dziennikarzy wobec polityków w przygotowywanych przez nich materiałach informacyjnych (role performance). Wyniki badań ankietowych ujawniają istotne różnice pomiędzy poszczególnymi pokoleniami polskich dziennikarzy. Z rolą watchodoga utożsamia się przede wszystkim pokolenie podejmujące pracę w okresie zmiany ustrojowej, podczas gdy najmłodsze pokolenie – choć uważa tę rolę mediów za ważną – samo nie jest zainteresowane jej pełnieniem. Analiza zawartości mediów potwierdza dużą wagę przywiązywaną przez polskich dziennikarzy do monitorowania działalności prowadzonej przez aktorów politycznych. Badania dostarczają jednocześnie danych potwierdzających wysoki poziom paralelizmu politycznego polskiego systemu medialnego. ; The aim of the paper is to compare the findings of selected surveys conducted among Polish journalists with the findings of a newspaper content analysis. The findings of the surveys showed differences between different generations of journalists. Specifically, those who entered the profession right after the political transition in the early 1990s seem more interested in playing the role of watchdog than those who have recently graduated from universities. Although the youngest generation of Polish journalists believes that the media should monitor political actors, they do not seem very interested in playing that role. The findings of the content analysis showed that Polish journalists pay significant attention to monitoring the policy and performance of political actors. The study supports previous observations on the high level of political parallelism of the Polish media system.

Celem artykułu jest zestawienie postaw polskich dziennikarzy wobec aktorów politycznych deklarowanych w ankietach (role perception) z faktycznymi działaniami podejmowanymi przez dziennikarzy wobec polityków w przygotowywanych przez nich materiałach informacyjnych (role performance). Wyniki badań ankietowych ujawniają istotne różnice pomiędzy poszczególnymi pokoleniami polskich dziennikarzy. Z rolą watchodoga utożsamia się przede wszystkim pokolenie podejmujące pracę w okresie zmiany ustrojowej, podczas gdy najmłodsze pokolenie – choć uważa tę rolę mediów za ważną – samo nie jest zainteresowane jej pełnieniem. Analiza zawartości mediów potwierdza dużą wagę przywiązywaną przez polskich dziennikarzy do monitorowania działalności prowadzonej przez aktorów politycznych. Badania dostarczają jednocześnie danych potwierdzających wysoki poziom paralelizmu politycznego polskiego systemu medialnego. ; The aim of the paper is to compare the findings of selected surveys conducted among Polish journalists with the findings of a newspaper content analysis. The findings of the surveys showed differences between different generations of journalists. Specifically, those who entered the profession right after the political transition in the early 1990s seem more interested in playing the role of watchdog than those who have recently graduated from universities. Although the youngest generation of Polish journalists believes that the media should monitor political actors, they do not seem very interested in playing that role. The findings of the content analysis showed that Polish journalists pay significant attention to monitoring the policy and performance of political actors. The study supports previous observations on the high level of political parallelism of the Polish media system.

The political leadership concerns a special kind of performed assignments, arriving at a decision of a greater meaning and rank than the resolutions of other kind of leaders. It is related to power domain that is bigger in comparison with the non-political leaders, because it includes more numerous and more varied measures of authority. This problem is analysed by the authors of publications in "Nasz Dziennik". They comment on the present political and social situation in Poland to show who should be their ideal. As shown by this study, this vision is characteristic of all groups connected with the daily. Due to their association with the same group of media, consumer people who are different in respect of sex, profession and social group activities, share similar opinions. A scientific background accumulated by the author of the articles, takes also the opinion of the newspaper's readers into account. The analysis of these texts is to compose the models of political leaders. personality to answer the question - what is the 'ideal' promoted by "Nasz Dziennik". Because of the radical language used in this newspaper, the author examines the positive and negative qualities of political leaders to build a true image. The article shows that the anti.model of political leaders created by the daily contains a criticism of liberals, democrats, autocrats, tripe and figure heads and career bureaucrats. They all are the worse group of leaders due to having the greatest power and access to the media. Although we find many rationalized arguments in their negative opinions, the impression is the same - bad are those who govern. The criticism not only deals with democratic.liberal parties, but it was also leveled at AWS at the end of its regime. The situation of this last party did not live up to the expectations of "Nasz Dziennik", as such models are impossible to realize. The model is not interchangeable. In the articles, we find the opinions which refuse an ideal role of a particular person in leadership, but at the same time we can hear the voices for building programmes and visions around a strong authority.

This article is of a scientific and research nature. Its subject is the humane protection of animals, expressly declared by the Polish legislator in the provisions of the Animal Protection Act, as regarded in the context of wide access to individual use of fireworks by private persons. The author seeks an answer to the question whether the legislator's high-sounding declarations expressed in the Animal Protection Act, providing for humane protection of animals in Poland, are reflected in respective national or local regulations which would make it possible for the owners or guardians of animals to protect them against the effects of fireworks, especially against noise. The aim of the research is to indicate who, if it has not already been done by the national legislator, is authorised to issue regulations limiting the use of fireworks, in a manner modelled for example on Australian solutions, where displays can be organised by licensed, authorised companies, or in a manner whereby the owner or keeper of the animal is informed in advance by an announcement on the Internet or in a local newspaper of the planned place and date of the pyrotechnic show, so that he or she can provide protection for his or her animal by moving away from the venue in advance. The analysis of national solutions aims to indicate how the shortcomings in this area should be addressed by the regional legislator. ; Niniejszy artykuł ma charakter naukowo-badawczy. Jego przedmiotem jest humanitarna ochrona zwierząt, jasno deklarowana przez polskiego ustawodawcę w przepisach ustawy o ochronie zwierząt, postrzegana w kontekście szerokiego dostępu do indywidualnego korzystania z fajerwerków przez osoby prywatne. Autorka poszukuje odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy górnolotne deklaracje ustawodawcy wyrażone w treści przepisów ustawy o ochronie zwierząt przewidujących humanitarną ochronę zwierząt w Polsce mają odzwierciedlenie w stosownych unormowaniach ogólnokrajowych bądź terenowych, które właścicielom czy opiekunom zwierząt pozwoliłyby zapewnić im ochronę przed skutkami wybuchów fajerwerków, w tym zwłaszcza przed hałasem. Celem przeprowadzonych badań jest wskazanie kto, jeśli nie zrobił tego dotychczas ustawodawca krajowy, jest upoważniony do wydania przepisów ograniczających korzystanie z fajerwerków, w sposób wzorowany np. na rozwiązaniach australijskich, gdzie pokazy mogą być organizowane przez licencjonowane, upoważnione firmy, bądź w sposób, dzięki któremu właściciel czy opiekun zwierzęcia zostanie wcześniej poinformowany przez ogłoszenie w Internecie czy lokalnej gazecie o planowanym miejscu i terminie pokazu pirotechnicznego, aby mógł on zapewnić swojemu zwierzęciu ochronę, oddalając się wcześniej od miejsca pokazu. Analiza rozwiązań krajowych ma na celu wskazanie, w jaki sposób braki panujące w tym zakresie powinny być uzupełnione przez prawodawcę regionalnego.

The purpose of the article was to present, with regard to Łódź multinational and multi-religious contexts of the 19th and 20th centuries, the type, course, and meaning of widely understood school celebrations, in which children were the main actors. The intention of the author was to answer the key issue of this study: did children, who rehearsed for school celebrations and events and participated in them, play the role of the subject of the educational process or were they a kind of a tool, i.e. the object of the influence of the school, that is to say its owners (e.g. boards of charitable organizations or municipal or church authorities), education authorities, teachers, or carers. To what extent did the organisation of school events result from rituals of the educational institution concerned and to what extent was the need for this kind of "ceremonies" influenced by the local (social and political) environment? The historical background of the paper is the time before the Great War, the years of 1914-1918, and Poland in the interwar period. Taking the historical and pedagogical aspects referred to above into account, the author tried to present the events with child participants held in institutions run by charitable organisations (the period until 1914); ceremonies related to the promotion of pupils in the first grades of municipal schools to next grades (the years of 1914-1918); and celebrations and ceremonies held in care institutions for girls and boys. The research is based on archive materials, newspaper articles, and historical and current literature. ; The purpose of the work was to present the type, course and meaning of the widely defined school celebrations with children as the main actors in the multinational and multi-religious contexts of Lodz in the 19th and 20th centuries. The author's intention was to provide an answer to the key question of this study: did children prepared for school celebrations and events and participating in them, were the subjects of the education process or rather, were they tool on which the school (e.g. boards of charitable organizations, municipal or church authorities, education authorities, teachers, or carers) exerted its influence. To what extent did the organization of school events result from the establishment's rituals and to what extent was the need for this kind of "ceremonies" affected by the local (social and political) environment? The historical background of the work is the time before the Great War, the years of 1914–1918, and the time of Interwar Poland. Bearing in mind the historical and pedagogical aspects referred to above, the author tried to present events with young participants held in institutions run by charitable organizations (by 1914); ceremonies related to the promotion of students of initial years of municipal schools (1914–1918) and celebrations and ceremonies held in care institutions for girls and boys. The research is based on archive materials, press materials, historical and contemporary literature on the subject.