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Sports organizations are entities conventionally based on civil, non-governmental initiatives, and operating in non-profit legal forms. Concurrently with the strengthening business characteristics of sports, for-profit companies started to spread in increasing numbers. Currently, in Hungary sports organizations can be operated in the form of sports associations, business entities and public-benefit foundations for special purposes. The operating frameworks of sports organizations are currently defined in legal regulations. Business entities belong to the scope of the Act on Business Associations and other business-related legislation, whereas sports associations are subject to the Civil Act and the Civil Code. Obviously, the operation of sports organizations is also strongly influenced by the Sports Act. In consequence, it can be ascertained that the operation of sports organizations today is fairly strictly regulated. This publication has been written to describe the regulations relating to the organizations of the sports associations still constituting the majority of sports organizations, from the beginnings until the evolution of today's system.

The aim of our study is to reveal the relationship between doing sports and persistence among higher education students in the Northern Great Plain Region of Hungary and especially among Hungarian minority students in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and the Ukraine. The theoretical background of the research is based on the developmental model (Brohm, 2002; Miller, Marchant, Polman, Clough, Jackson, Levy, & Nicholls, 2009; Melnick, Barnes, Farrel,l & Sabo, 2007) as well as Tinto's (1975) and Pascarella and Terenzini's (1980) institutional integration model. For the analyses, we used the database of the Center for Higher Education Research and Development (CHERD-H), which includes the higher education institutions in the border regions of the five countries under investigation (Hungary, Slovakia, the Ukraine, Romania and Serbia) (IESA 2015, N=2,017). According to our results, despite of the integration model theory, university sports membership decreases the level of persistence regardless of gender, country and social background. However, comparative analyses show that non-university sports club membership conveys values like appreciating the usefulness of learning and commitment to successfully complete exams and learning requirements. University and non-university sports club members mostly agree that they want to achieve the best possible learning outcomes.

This is an exploratory study of populist political movement Sme rodina – Boris Kollár (We Are a Family – Boris Kollár, since November 2019 only Sme rodina). The paper first locates this movement into a lose concept/sui generis family of political parties (the niche party), arguing in contrast to some typologies that this is primarily protest populist party presenting some niche issues, and only secondarily, an entrepreneurial party. The paper also answers the question why this party is considered as being populist by many political and non-political actors and analysts. The paper also suggests that there is actually non-existent, but assumed direct correlation between the support for this party and the decline in the standard of living, as sometimes presented in public discourse. In contrast, it is suggested here that there may be stronger links between relative poverty, feeling of being abandoned by political elites/parties, and low educational levels. Moreover, there played an important role previous knowledge (celebrity status) of the party leader who was often presented and discussed in tabloid media. For this reason, many young females voted for this party. The party also managed to raise a widely perceived problematic issue that was seen as not tackled sufficiently or at all by the previous governments and other competing political parties (the niche or salient issue).

Introduction: Contexts of Gypsy/Roma identity and history -- On the sources of Gypsy/Roma history -- Who (what) is (was) Hungarian or Gypsy/Roma? -- "Comrades, if you have a heart" : the history of the Gypsy issue, 1945-1961 -- The construction and spread of the state socialist system -- Policy and Gypsies -- Modernization and Gypsy communities -- Disciplinary state -- The impossibility of self-organization -- Minority issue -- Discourses on social policy and equality -- "Life goes on" : the Hungarian party-state and assimilation -- Social policy and the Gypsies -- Wage work -- Housing -- Social system -- Education -- Scientific approaches -- Gypsy images -- The transformation of discourse -- Disciplinary power, disciplinary society -- Police and agents -- "Health supervisors" -- The national minority issue -- National movement -- The "ethnic interpretation" of history -- Roma policy after the regime change -- Minority issue -- Prospects for multiculturalism -- Minority (self-)government? -- Divide at Impera : the opportunities and impossibilities of self-organization -- Movement -- National minority culture, national culture -- Questions of equal treatment and equal opportunity -- Anti-discrimination -- Equal opportunity -- Roma programs -- Education -- Employment -- Social policy and the Roma -- Aid -- Segregation -- Disciplinary society -- The transformation of discourses -- Research methods -- Panopticon : Roma policy, 2010-2015 -- The Hungarian National Cooperation System -- The anti-egalitarian character of the system -- Changing minority legislation -- New social policy? -- Violence -- The shift -- Summary: Decades of exclusion

Apart from the relation between the Lands of the Crown of Saint Stephen and the other realms of the Habsburg Empire, the primary issue of the 1860s Hungary and Transylvania to handle was the nationality equality — accordingly, the recognitions of a nation and the language policy. As soon as the national question came into view, both the Hungarian and non-Hungarian political élites formulated their outlines on how to adjust regulations, intended to be epoch-making, regarding the national and language affairs, while the emperor temporarily coordinated the case with royal decrees until the definitive Nationality Act of 1868. The Act and its preceding drafts administered many domains regarding all branches of power, with the special role of the declaration of nations, namely the recognition of such as a legal entity, a juridicial person, which would (have) allow(ed) further entitled rights, deriving from a declaration in the era. The Hungarian and non-Hungarian acts and drafts examined in the study show decisive discrepancies regarding the number of nation(alitie)s recognized as legal entities, how the minorities were defined, and what concept of a nation each draft laid down. In my study, I examine the dissimilarities of the 5 draft plans (and the Act) made by the Hungarian élite, 8 draft plans (and acts of the 1863—1864 national assembly of Transylvania) related to the nationality political élite, draft plans and royal decrees associated to the emperor and the Royal Hungarian Lieutenancy, and a joint independence opposition — nationality draft plan.

"Following the coming into force of the new Social Dialogue Act in 2011, the Romanian collective bargaining system has fundamentally changed due to the restructuring of the levels of collective bargaining and the definition of the representativeness criteria. The collective agreement is the central institution of the collective labour law, the existence or non-existence of it, the content of the agreement being of a real interest for the enforcement of employees' interest. The new regulation significantly weakened the bargaining power of the social partners, which very soon led to a drastic reduction in the number of the concluded collective agreements.
In our study, we try to point out the problematic issues of the Romanian regulation related to the collective agreement, anticipating at the same time the possible new perspectives opened up by the attempt to amend the law."

In 1839 after Abdülmecit Sultan coming to the throne advertised a reformative adumbration composed a necssety of expansive political and socio changes (Tanzimat Fermani). The "Islahat Fermani" issued at the beginning of 1856 enforced the right assurance of the non islamic peoples lived int he Empire or enlarged their right. At the second half of the 19th century the statesmen were in Western Europe and the students learning in european schooles had have new acquaitances expedited further all comprehensive reforms, included the initiation of european type education. They were full of trust to build up social sistem will be acceptable for Europe. Than Turkey would have not been at european's mercy nor enemy, foreign int he sight of Western Europe. What the education had been they wanted to change and how that processes were going on, what results and failers happened during that reforms trys to expose this essay.

The purpose of the study is to explain the evolution of regulations that resulted in minority rights for Romanians living in Transylvania in the pre-1918 period. The study analyses in detail the advancement of the idea of " nationalities" (in the meaning of national minorities) in the legislation from the last decade of the 18th century and presents the legal claims of the Transylvanian Romanians against the Habsburg Empire and the Hungarian Parliament. The authors present the Nationalities Act adopted in the 1848 revolution, but left without consequences, and examine the development of laws on minority rights during the legislative period following the Austrian-Hungarian settlement. The article discusses the grand debate on the act on nationalities, which took place in the Hungarian Parliament in 1868, and describes the later assimilation efforts by the majority lawmakers. The authors draw attention to the fact that non-Hungarian nationalities acquired a minority status only after the adoption of the Nationalities Act by the Hungarian state, which became a so-called majority state.